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formidable guests, that they engaged to provide transports for the whole army; and three deputies were sent back with them to Sinope to fetch the vessels. During their stay at Cotyora, which lasted forty-five days, Xenophon thought he saw a favourable opportunity for executing a project, which he seems to have had for some time in his mind, of planting a new colony on the coast of the Euxine. But the soothsayer Silanus, to whom he communicated the scheme, was desirous of returning home to enjoy the munificent present which he had received from Cyrus, and both prematurely divulged Xenophon's views and did his utmost to thwart them. And the greater part of the men seemed so averse to them, that Xenophon found it necessary to declare that he had abandoned them. But the rumour of his design enabled Timasion and Thorax, a Boeotian, to work upon the fears of some merchants from Sinope and Heraclea, who were present in Cotyora, and by their reports these two cities were induced to offer to provide pay as well as vessels for the troops, on condition that they should sail away to Greece; and even engaged Timasion, by a promise of money, to exert his influence for promoting this object. When, however, it was discovered that Xenophon had dropped, or at least disclaimed the purpose attributed to him, and that the men were bent on returning home, the Sinopians and Heracleots no longer thought it necessary to fulfil these promises, and sent the transports without any money. Timasion, who, relying on their assurances, had made large promises to the soldiers, now dreaded the effects of their disappointment, and would have persuaded Xenophon to resume his project, and to join him and the other generals—who, with the exception of Neon, the lieutenant of Cheirisophus, were all ready to share the expedition—in an attempt to found a colony on the banks of the Phasis. It is not clear how they could have hoped to succeed in such an enterprise, for when a rumour of it was circulated in the army, and Neon, ignorantly or maliciously imputed it to Xenophon, who had refused to concur in it, the men seemed to be on the point of breaking out into a mutiny, and Xenophon was again obliged to vindicate himself, and to point out the absurdity of supposing that he meant to accomplish such an object, either by artifice or violence, against their inclinations. He took this opportunity of relating the scenes which had taken place at Cerasus, which were not generally known, and excited universal indignation, and proposed a solemn lustration to purify the army from the stain of blood. This transaction suggested the thought of a court, which was held to receive an account from the generals of their conduct during the expedition. Some charges of peculation and negligence were brought and proved, and sundry penalties inflicted. Xenophon himself did not escape accusation, but the calumnies with which he was assailed not only afforded him an opportunity of clearing himself from the imputation cast on him of an oppressive exercise of his authority, but revived the recollection of numberless acts of kindness and self-denial, by which he had earned the gratitude of the men under his com
mand, and of the whole army.
A sufficient number of transports was at length collected for the embarcation of all the troops, and a fair wind brought them in the course of two days to Harmene, the port of Sinope, where they were hospitably entertain ed, and were sound by Cheirisophus, who returned with a single galley, but brought a mes. sage of congratulation and praise from Anaxibius, and a promise that, when they came out of the Euxine, he would provide employment and pay for them. They had now left almost all obstacles behind them, and all anxiety about their return had been sufficiently removed to make room sor other cares. Their main wish now was to carry home some fruit of the long and laborious expedition which was just drawing to its close. For this purpose, it seemed advisable that the command should no longer be divided among many generals, but should be lodged in the hands of a single chief. The thirst of plunder had opened their eyes more effectually than all their past dangers to the benefit which might be expected from secrecy of counsel and promptness of action. The unanimous choice of the army fell upon Xenophon; and he was strongly pressed by the inferior officers to accept the supreme command. As he owns that he was powerfully tempted by the offer, we can hardly refuse to believe him when he asserts that it was by the unfavourable aspect of the victims which he consulted that he was induced to decline it, though he himself assigned a much more rational motive for his conduct—the reflection that such a distinction conferred on at: Athenian, when a Lacedæmonian was present, might awaken the jealousy of the Spartans The command was accordingly bestowed on Cheirisophus, who, while he accepted it. ob. served that Xenophon had acted prudently m declining it, since Dexippus—the man who had so treacherously deserted his comrades at Trapezus—had already been endeavouring to injure him in the opinion of Anaxibius, to whom he had represented him as a person of dangerous ambition, and of views hostile to the interests of Sparta. But Cheirisophus was not aware of all the perils to which he was himself expose: in his new station.
The army re-embarked, and the wind continuing fair, carried it in two days to the port of Heraclea. The Heracleots sent a present of flour, wine, sheep, and oxen, sufficient to sus. ply its wants for two or three days; but this o: treatment only served to inflame the cupidity which had been awakened as soon as fear began to subside; and one Lycus an Achaean, proposed to demand a large subsidy from Heraclea. The motion was carried, and when Cheirisophus and Xenophon, strenuuusov remonstrating against this injustice, refused to be the bearers of the message, it was intruste: to other envoys, who delivered it in threatening language. They were dismissed with an equiv ocal answer; and the Heracleots immediately made preparations for defending their city The authors of the iniquitous project vente. their disappointment in murmurs against thoswho had opposed it, and persuaded the Arcai. ans and Achaeans, who formed more than half the army, to separate themselves from the reso, and to try to mend their fortunes under generals of their own. Thus, within six or seves
days after his election, Cheirisophus found him- the sacrifices no longer forbade an expedition, self reduced to his former rank, with the loss in which the Greeks revenged themselves by a of all the Arcadians and Achaeans who had complete victory over the satrap's forces.
hitherto served under him. Xenophon was Soon afterward Cleander arrived; but he now inclined to throw up his command; but he brought only two galleys of war, and no transwas induced to retain it partly, as he says, by ports. He was accompanied by Dexippus, who the appearance of the sacrifices, and partly by had laboured to prejudice him against the army, the prospect of embarking under the protection and especially against Xenophon, and by his of Cleander, the Spartan harmost of Byzantium, own misconduct provoked a tumult, in which who was expected with a squadron at Port | Cleander believed his person to have been
Calpe on the coast of Bithynia.
threatened. The power of Sparta was at this time so formidable, that Xenophon dreaded the worst consequences from his resentment, and persuaded the army to appease it by the most respectful submission to his pleasure. The Spartan did not want generosity; and being at length convinced that Dexippus had deceived him, admitted Xenophon to his friendship, and took the army under his protection. A march I of six days, in the course of which they collected a great booty, brought them through Bi
risophus—sailed as far as the confines of Bi-, thynia to Chrysopolis, over against Byzantium. thynia, and then struck into the interior. His While they stayed here to dispose of the spoil, division consisted of 1700 heavy infantry, about they received two invitations from different 300 targeteers, and forty cavalry, the only force quarters to cross over to Europe. Pharnabazus of that kind in the army. He had perhaps cho- feared that they might be tempted, both by cusen the upper road in the hope of averting or pidity and revenge, to invade his satrapy, and
remedying the calamities which he might well
by such offers as few Spartans were able to re|sist, engaged Anaxibius to use his influence to draw them out of Asia. Anaxibius accordingly sent for the principal officers to Byzantium, |ind repeated the promise which he had before made through Cheirisophus, of taking them into pay as soon as they came over. Xenophon announced his intention of quitting the army, but was persuaded by the Spartans to remain with it until it had landed in Europe. It happened that at this time, Seuthes, an Odrysian prince, who had inherited a part of the great monarchy of Sitalces, including some of its maritime regions, having been expelled from his dominions, was striving to recover them with a body of troops which had been sent to his assistance by Medocus, who was now reigning over the more inland tribes still subject to the Odrysian empire. Seuthes was desirous of engaging the Cyrean troops, as they began to be called, in his service, and sent a Thracian, named Medosades, to negotiate for this object with Xenophon, who, he promised, should not find him ungrateful for his good offices, if he would in
on this account unwilling to encamp in a strong duce the army to cross the channel. Xenoposition which might have served as the citadel phon, however, informed the envoy that this of a new town, and when at last they were measure was already resolved on, and that compelled to do so through fear of the Bithyni- when it was executed, his own connexion with ans and Pharnabazus, this encampment was the army would cease.
universally regarded as the beginning of a set- Anaxibius, having accomplished his end, tlement. Xenophon, however, does not inform when the troops had landed at Byzantium, us how far this opinion was well grounded, but would immediately have dismissed them withonly seems anxious to guard himself from the 'out either pay or provisions, to make their way suspicion of collusion with the soothsayers; a into the Thracian Chersonesus, where, he in suspicion which it is nevertheless very difficult formed them, they would find employment unto suppress, when we find the sacrifices by der the command of Cyniscus, apparently anwhich the movements of the army were regu- other Spartan officer. This intelligence was lated, unifornly tending towards the object communicated to the men just as they had iswhich he was supposed to have had in view. sued from the gates of Byzantium; and it proCheirisophus died of a fever at Calpe, and Neon, voked a transport of indignation, in which they who succeeded him, having led out 2000 men burst into the city, and were only restrained on a foraging excursion in spite of the adverse from keeping possession of it by the remonomens, was surprised by the cavalry which strances of Xenophon, whom many of them urPharnabazus had sent out to aid the Bithynians, ged to seize this opportunity of rising to greatand lost 500 of his troops. After this disaster, |ness by placing himself at their head. He convinced them of the desperate rashness of bra-; became known throughout Greece, and they ving the power of Sparta, and persuaded them suggested several interesting reflections to a to evacuate the place. He himself adhered to thoughtful observer. From the days of Arishis resolution of quitting the army, and having, tagoras, the Greeks, though they had long ceaswith some difficulty, obtained permission from ed to view the Persian power with apprehenAnaxibius to re-enter the town for the purpose |sion, had regarded the Great King as inaccessiof embarking, took leave of his comrades. The ble to their attacks in his eastern capitals. . But other generals were divided in their interests now a Persian prince, thoroughly acquainted and views. The army, while it lay before the with the strength of the empire, had advanced walls, was deceived for a day or two by the ab- 2000 miles into the interior to dethrone the surd pretensions of an adventurer named Coera- reigning monarch, with an army in which the tadas, a character which could not have ap- only troops on which, according to his public peared at an earlier period, and which in its lu- declarations, he placed any reliance were about dicrous extravagance bears the stamp of the 10,000 Greek adventurers. The battle of Cunational calamities. He was travelling about naxa proved that he had not miscalculated his in search of employment as a general, and, by means, and that it was not the want of force. a promise that he would lead them upon a prof. but either of prudence or of fortune, that caused itable expedition, and, in the meanwhile, would the failure of his enterprise. Even after his supply them with provisions in abundance, pre- death, this handful of Greeks had felt themvailed upon the Cyreans to elect him command- selves able to dispose of the throne of Asia, and er-in-chief. But it was soon found that he had the sequel seemed to show that this confidence no means of maintaining them even for a single was not ill grounded. The Persian court had day; and during the interval of suspense which betrayed its weakness and its fears in all the ensued, while the generals were contending attempts which it made to cut off their retreat; each for his own object, many of the men with- and their struggles with the independent tribes drew from the camp, sold their arms, and either through which they passed, proved both the sailed away, or took up their abode in Byzanti- great number of nations dwelling within the um, and other neighbouring cities. compass of the king's dominions which defied Anaxibius heard with pleasure that the army his power with impunity, and that no region of was beginning to dwindle away, as he hoped Asia was impervious to the arms of the Greeks. the sooner to receive the reward of his services The practical inference was immediately drawn, from Pharnabazus. But being shortly after su- though it was not fully demonstrated till near perseded by a new admiral, he found himself a century later. neglected by the satrap, who transferred all his But before we again fall into the main curattention to Aristarchus, who was come to suc-| rent of Grecian history, it seems due to the ceed Cleander as harmost of Byzantium. An- celebrated man who fills so conspicuous a place axibius had met Aristarchus at Cyzicus, and in the latter part of the foregoing narrative, that had instructed him to sell all the Cyreans whom we should pause a few moments to consider the he found in Byzantium as slaves: an act of close of his personal adventures, though it lies cruelty to which Cleander had always refused at some distance beyond the point of time which to consent. But he was now only intent on re- we have reached. Xenophon had prudently devenging himself, and, sending for Xenophon, clined the offers with which Seuthes tempted who was at Parium, on the Asiatic coast, urged him to sacrifice his reputation, and the goodhim to sail with all speed to the army, and in- will of the army, to temporary gain, or a settleduce it to cross over to Asia, and invade the sa- ment on the coast of Thrace. He still professtrap's province. Xenophon, who seems to have led the intention of returning home, but was been led to resign his command chiefly through persuaded by his friends to accompany the army fear of Spartan jealousy, gladly executed this into Asia, and to consign it to the Spartan officommission, and the men as readily embraced cer under whom it was henceforth to serve. He his proposal. But the threats of Aristarchus, arrived at Lampsacus with the esteem and who was no less venal than Anaxibius, and had gratitude of his comrades, heightened by his rebecome equally devoted to the interests of Phar. cent conduct, but with so scanty a provision for nabazus, compelled them to desist from this en- his own wants, that he was obliged to sell a faterprise. Xenophon, who in the mean time had vourite horse to supply himself with the means received another message from Seuthes, now of Journeying homeward. But not long after entered into treaty with the Thracian prince, he led the troops on a marauding excursion in and finally engaged the whole army, except a Lydia, from which they returned with a large corps of 800 men under Neon, in his service. booty; and the portion which they reserved for After a hard winter's campaign, Seuthes found him, made him, as he says, rich enough to be himself restored to his dominions by the aid of bountiful to others. He now, perhaps, expectthe Greeks, and would then have defrauded ed to return to Athens in affluence and honour: them of the pay which had become due to them. but this was not his lot. He returned to Greece But Sparta had now herself need of them for a an exile, bearing arms against his fellow-chuwar which she was beginning in Asia, of which zens, whom he met in battle on the field of we shall speak in the next chapter, and, with | Coronea. We have no sure information as to the concurrence of the Spartan commissioners, the cause of his banishment; but the most probXenophon constrained Seuthes to satisfy the able account seems to be that which assigns it claims of the troops before they embarked to to one by which the forebodings of Socrates be incorporated with the other Spartan levies. were realized; and it is not difficult to on with their return to Asia the history of the ex- ceive that the resentment of the Athenians was pedition ends. The events which we have been relating soon
excited as well by the share he took in the expedition of Cyrus as by the services which he had rendered to Sparta after his return. But we know too little of his private connexions, or his political relations, to be sure that othermotives did not at least concur with this to occasion his sentence; and, indeed, his own narrative, strictly interpreted, would lead us to conclude that it had not been passed until he had set out with the Spartan king, Agesilaus, on his expedition against Athens and her allies. The Spartans rewarded him for his attachment to them with the title of proxenus, and with a grant of land and a house near the town of Scillus in Triphylia, in a pleasant valley not far from the plain of Olympia. Here he fixed his abode, and was enabled to consecrate the scene of his retirement by an act of piety. He had carried the portion of the votive tenth which fell to his share in the division of the booty at Cerasus as far as Ephesus, and, when he was on the point of setting out with Agesilaus, deposited the part due to the Ephesian goddess with Megabyzus, the guardian of her temple, to be restored to him if he should pass safely through the dangers of the approaching campaign, otherwise to be laid out in an offering to Artemis. After he had settled at Scillus, Megabyzus arrived there on a pilgrimage to Olympia, and restored the deposite, with which Xenophon purchased a tract of land in the vale of Scillus, dedicated it to the goddess, and on it built a small fane after the model of the great temple of Ephesus, in which he placed an image of cypress wood, shaped like the golden Ephesian idol. The temple stood in a grove of fruit-trees; the rest of the sacred land consisted chiefly of pastures and woods abounding in game; and a little stream which flowed through it was named, like one within the precincts of the Ephesian Artemisium, Selinus. A festival was celebrated every year in honour of the goddess, and was attended by a large concourse of worshippers from the neighbouring districts, who were entertained with the produce of the sacred land, according to a solemn obligation recorded on a pillar which stood near the temple, by which the possessor was bound to consume a tenth of its fruits in a yearly sacrifice. In this delightful retreat Xenophon
spent many quiet, yet active years, dividing
his time between his literary occupations, the pleasures of the chase, and the society of his family and friends. It seems, however, that he did not end his days here, though the causes which led him to quit it are not well ascertained. According to one author, he was driven away by an inroad of the Eleans, and took ref. uge in Corinth, where he is said to have died at an advanced age;" but, according to another statement, he was restored to his native city, mnd by a decree moved by the same orator, Eubulus, who had been the author of his banishment. And since, as we shall see, a time came when to be a friend of Sparta was no longer an offence at Athens, the fact of his recall is by no means improbable;t and it would even appear that in his old age he endeavoured
Diog. Laert., ii., 60. + It would seem indeed to follow, from the nration of Pinarchus, mentioned by Diog, La., ii., 52, that he resided
for some tiune at Athens.
to atone for his ancient hostility by a chimerical project for the improvement of the Athenian finances.
From the Renewal of hostilities between sparta Ann persia to the death of Lysanider.
The motives which induced the Spartan government to declare itself in favour of Cyrus in his contest with his elder brother, were not, perhaps, without a mixture of personal feelings; but they were certainly not pure gratitude and good-will. It no doubt perceived that it would be conferring a weighty obligation on one of the rivals, who might become a still more powerful and useful ally than he had hitherto been, while its sorbearance would be but little prized by the other. The issue of the enterprise of Cyrus could not inspire it with much uneasiness. If he should not fully succeed, there might still be a prospect of dividing or weakening the Persian empire; and if he should utterly sail, it had nothing to dread but a war with Persia: an event to which it had, probably, begun already to look forward more with hope than with fear. The victory of Artaxerxes soon afforded it an occasion for manifesting the new spirit which animated its councils. While the Greeks were on their return, Tissaphernes was sent down to the West to receive the reward of his signal services, having been appointed to the government of the provinces which had been before subject to Cyrus, in addition to his own satrapy, and invested with the like superintending authority as had been given to the prince. He now claimed the dominion of the Ionian cities as included within his new province; but he found them very unwilling to submit to him. They had provoked his displeasure by the preference which they had shown for Cyrus: they dreaded his resentment, and they hoped, with the aid of Sparta, to be able to maintain their independence. Their envoys pressed the Spartan government, as the acknowledged head of the Greek nation, to protect them from the yoke and from the vengeance of the barbarian. The Spartans no longer considered themselves bound by the treaty in which, at a time when they were in need of Persian gold, they had acknowledged the king's title to the whole of Asia; and they seem gladly to have embraced the opportunity thus offered of extending their credit and power. Thimbron was sent, with the title of harmost, to undertake the defence of the Ionians, at the head of an army consisting only of 1000 Neodamodes, and about 4000 Peloponnesian troops, and 300 Athenian cavalry, which he had demanded and offered to maintain, perhaps not without a hint that such a requisition would be welcome. In fact, it enabled the Athenians, without any breach of the amnesty, to rid themselves of so many citizens of the equestrian class, who, as they had been among the steadiest supporters of the Thirty, could never be viewed without suspicion.
Thimbron, on his arrival in Asia, collected re-enforcements to the amount of about 3000 men" from the Greek cities, where, as Xenophon observes, the will of a Spartan at this time was law. Still, the enemy's superiority in cavalry was so great that he did not venture at first to descend into the open plain, where he would have been exposed to its attacks, but contented himself with defending the immediate neighbourhood of more tenable positions, The scene of these operations, however, was not Ionia, but the more northern coast near the satrapy of Pharnabazus, towards which Tissaphernes had marched, perhaps with the view of keeping the war at as great a distance as he could from that part of his province in which his private property lay; and he had been engaged for some time, without success, in the siege of Cuma.t. Thimbron's first object was to meet the Cyrean troops, and, soon after their arrival at Pergamus, he incorporated them with his own, and now felt himself strong enough to face the enemy on any ground. Pergamus and several other towns in this region submitted to him. Among them were some which were governed by two remarkable Greek families: by the descendants of the Spartan exile Demaratus, who bore the names of Eurysthenes and Procles, and by Gorgion and Gongylus, who inherited the lordship which had been granted by the Persian king to their ancestor Gongylus, an Eretrian, as the reward of his treason to the cause of Greece.f. But their national feelings, or their fears, were stronger than their gratitude, and they opened the gates of their towns to their countrymen. Some other places Thimbron took by assault; but before Larissa—that distinguished by the epithet of the Egyptian— he was detained so long by the vigorous resistance of the besieged, that he received orders from the ephors to waste no more time there, but to march into Caria, and carry the war to the doors of Tissaphernes. But nearly at the time that these orders were sent, complaints were laid against him at Sparta by the allies, which induced the government to supersede him before he had completed his year of office. He either neglected to preserve discipline among his troops, or had been compelled, by the want of other resources, to conmive at the depredations they committed in the friendly country through which they passed. At Ephesus he was met by his successor, Dercyllidas, to whom he immediately resigned his command. On his return to Sparta he was sentenced to a fine, and was either banished or driven into exile by the heaviness of the penalty. Dercyllidas was a Spartan of Lysander's school, so notorious for his mastery in the arts of stratagem and intrigue, as to have earned the nickname of Sisyphus, the legendary exemplar of cunning. His first measure was one in which he consulted his private passions rather than the public interest, but at the same time gave proof of his dexterity, and revealed the weakness of the Persian system of government. He knew that great jealousy existed between Pharnabazus and Tissaphernes, who, once his equal, had lately been raised to a higher rank by * The army, when Dercyllidas took the command, amountd to 8000 men. Xenoph., Hell., iii., 1, 28. t Diodor., xiv., 35. ... + Xenophom says he was the only Eretrian who was ex
iled on account of his treason. But there were others who shared it. Her., vi., 100. See p. 243.
the commission which appointed him successor to Cyrus; and he took advantage of it to divide their forces, and to revenge himself on Pharmabazus, who had once drawn an ignominious military punishment upon him while he commanded as harmost of Abydos under Lysander. He concluded an armistice with Tissaphernes on the condition that he should turn his arms against Pharnabazus; and while Tissaphernes thus showed his indifference to his master's interests, by abandoning a colleague whom it was his duty to protect, the Spartan ventured to disregard the orders given to Thimbron, and bent his march northward, towards the midland district called Æolis, from the Eolian towns which peopled it. It included a part of the skirts and of the upper valleys of Mount Ida, and was subject to Pharnabazus. On his way he exhibited a strong and advantageous contrast to the laxity of his predecessor's discipline, in the strictness with which he compelled his troops to respect the property of their allies; and, on his arrival in AEolis, he lighted upon an extraordinary supply, which enabled him with ease and safety to persevere in the same system. It was the result of a train of events on which Xenophon dwells with evident pleasure for the sake of the moral lesson, and with a minuteness which we could have wished him to have reserved for matters of higher historical interest, which he has left in comparative obscurity. Pharnabazus had committed the government of his AEolis, as it was called to distinguish it from the maritime region occupied by the AEolian colonies, to Zenis, a Greek of Dardanus. On the death of Zenis, Mania, his widow, an able and enterprising woman, by a timely application to the satrap, accompanied with rich presents both to himself and the principal persons of his court and household, prevailed on him to let her succeed her husband: an appointment much less repugnant to Persian than to Greek ideas of the capacities and functions of her sex. Her administration was active, prodent, and prosperous. She took a body of Greek mercenaries into pay, with which she reduced three of the adjacent maritime towns, Larissa, Hamaxitus, and Colonie, superintending their operations in person, and rewarding their exertions with discriminating liberality. She attended the satrap on his military expeditions, conciliated his favour by her exactness in the payment of the tribute, her munificence, and her hospitality, and was admitted to a share in his councils. Within her dominions she exercised absolute authority, and amassed an ample treasure. A son and daughter, the one rising towards manhood, the other married, promised stability and increase to her good fortune; but destruction fell upon her from the quarter to which she looked with the greatest confidence for security. Meidias, her son-in-law, instigated both by his own ambition and by the suggestions of evil counsellors, who taught him to deem himself degraded by subjection to a woman, murdered her and her son, and made himself master of Scepsis and Gergis, the two towns in which, as places of strength, she had lodged the greater part of her treasures. The other towns, which were garrisoned by the Greek mercenaries, refused to receive him, and continued to acknowledge the authority of Phar.