condemned was one under which the most innocent might always be exposed to the same fate. According to the new regulation, the Thirty presided in person over the trials held by the council; two tables were placed in front of the benches which they occupied to receive the balls or tokens, by which the councillors declared their yerdict, and which, instead of being dropped secretly into a box, were now to be openly deposited on the board, so that the Thirty might see which way every man voted.* These, however, were not the only cases which they brought before the council, even in the early part of their reign. The persons who before the surrender of the city had been arrested on information, partly procured by bribery,† and partly extorted by fear or by the rack, charging them with a conspiracy against the state, but who had really been guilty of no of fence but that of expressing their attachment to the constitution which was now abolished, were soon after brought to a mock trial,‡ and judicially murdered. Among them was Eucrates, the brother of Nicias, who had been elected general after the battle of Egos-potami, and had been strongly solicited by the oligarchical faction to join them and to share the power which they were preparing to seize, but believing it still possible to preserve the internal freedom of the commonwealth, had declined their offers and resisted their intrigues ; Strombichides, whom we have seen commanding on the Asiatic coast, and many other citizens of like quality and merit. And it can hardly be supposed that these were the only political adversaries sacrificed by the Thirty during the period in which they exercised their power with the greatest moderation. Even such executions might be considered as among the temporary evils incident to every political revolution; and there were some of the Thuty who did not wish to multiply them more than was necessary to their safety. But the greater number, and, above all, Critias, did not mean to stop here; and perhaps some signs of discontent soon became visible, which gave them a pretext for insisting on the need of stronger measures, and of additional safeguards. Two of their number, Æschines and Aristocles, were deputed by common consent to Sparta, to obtain a body of troops to garrison the citadel. The ground alleged was that there were turbulent men whom it was necessary to remove before their government could be settled on a firm basis; and they undertook to maintain the garrison as long as its presence should be required. Xenophon's language seems to imply that Lysander had by this time returned to Sparta; if so, upward of six months had now elapsed from the surrender of the city. Ly sander, whether present or absent, exerted his influence in their behalf, and induced the ephors to send the force which they desired, under the command of Callibius, who was invested with the authority of harmost. His arrival released Critias and his colleagues from all the restraints hitherto imposed on them by their fears of their fellow-citizens. They courted him with an obsequiousness proportioned to the wantonness of the tyranny which they hoped to be able to exercise with his sanction and aid. The footing on which they stood with him is sufficiently illustrated by a single fact: an Athenian named Autolycus, of good family and condition, who in his youth had distinguished himself by a gymnastic victory, had, in some way or other, offended Callibius, who, according to the Spartan usage, raised his truncheon to strike him; but Autolycus, not yet inured to such discipline, prevented the blow by bringing him to the ground. Lysander, it is said, when Callibius complained of this affront, observed that he did not know how to govern freemen; he, however, understood the men with whom he had principally to deal, for the Thirty soon after gratified him by putting Autolycus to death. In return for such deference, he placed his troops at their disposal, to lead whom they would to prison: and now the catalogue of political offences was on a sudden terribly enlarged. The persons who were now singled out for destruction were no longer such only as had made themselves odious by their crimes, or had distinguished themselves on former occasions by their opposition to the ruling party, but men of unblemished character, without any strong political bias, who had gained the confidence of the people by their merits or services, and might be suspected of preferring a popular government to the oligarchy under which they were living. Xenophon seems to believe that Critias was inflamed with an insatiable thirst for blood by the remembrance of his exile. But it would appear that ambition and cupidity, rather than resentment, were the main-springs of his conduct, and that he calculated with great coolness the fruits of his nefarious deeds. Nor was it merely political jealousy that determined his choice of his victims; the immediate profit to be derived from the confiscation of their property was at least an equally powerful inducement. It is uncertain to which of these motives we should refer the execution of Niceratus, the son of Nicias, who shared his uncle's fate, but may have been involved in it more by his wealth than by his relation to Eucrates. It was, perhaps, on the like account, rather than because of the services which he had rendered to the people, that Antiphon, who, during the war, had equipped two galleys at his own expense, was now condemned to death. And it was most probably with no other object that Leon, an inhabitant of Salamis, who seems to have been universally *This Antiphon has been confounded with the celebrated orator! One might have thought that, even if the manner in which he is described by Xenophon, ii., 3, 40, had not been sufficient to guard any one possessing moderate powers of historical combination from so gross a mistake, it should have been prevented by the language of Thucydides, vin., 68, who says that Antiphon was brought to trial for the part he had taken in establishing the oligarchy of the Four Hundred. Could this have been a crime in the eyes of the Thirty! which he shifted his side, and the dexterity with which he adapted himself to every change of circumstances, still he might again become a rallying-point for the disaffected. To guard against this danger, they determined to strengthen themselves by an expedient similar to that which had been adopted by the former oligarchy. They made out a list of 3000 citizens, who were to enjoy a kind of franchise which, perhaps, was never exactly defined; but one of its most important privileges was, that none of them should be put to death without a trial before the council. All other Athenians were outlawed, and left to the mercy of the Thirty, who might deal as they thought fit with their lives and property.* respected, and a great number of his townsmen, were dragged from their homes and consigned to the executioner. The case of Leon is particularly remarkable for the light it throws on the policy of the oligarchs. After the arrival of the Lacedæmonian garrison, they had begun to dispense with the assistance of the council, and Leon was put to death without any form of trial. But they did not think it expedient always to employ the foreign troops on their murderous errands; they often used Athenians as their ministers on such occasions, and men who did not belong to their party, for the purpose of implicating them in the guilt and odium of their proceedings. When they had resolved on the destruction of Leon, they sent for Socrates and four other persons, and ordered them to go and Theramenes objected to the new constitufetch him from Salamis. As his innocence was tion, both on account of the small number of no less notorious than the fate which awaited the privileged body, and its arbitrary limitation, him, Socrates, on leaving the presence of the which would show that the selection did not Thirty, instead of obeying their commands, re-proceed upon any ground of merit. Since they turned home. The rest executed their commission. meant to govern by force, it was impolitic, he said, to establish such a disproportion between These atrocities soon began to spread gener- their strength and that of the governed. His al alarm; for no one could perceive any princi- objections were overruled, but not wholly negple or maxim by which they were to be limited lected. They perhaps suggested the precaufor the future; there was, on the contrary, rea- tion which was immediately afterward adopted. son to apprehend that they would be continual- Under pretext of a review, all the citizens were ly multiplied and aggravated. Theramenes, deprived of their arms except the Knights and who was endowed with a keen tact, which en- the Three Thousand, who were thus enabled abled him readily to observe the bent of public to cope with the rest. The Thirty now believopinion, was early aware of the danger into ed themselves completely secure, and grew which his colleagues were rushing; and he re- more and more reckless in the indulgence of monstrated with Critias on the imprudence of their rapacity and cruelty. In the low state to creating themselves enemies by putting men to which the Athenian finances were reduced, the death for no other reason than because they had maintenance of the garrison was a burden filled eminent stations, or performed signal ser- which they found it difficult to support; and, vices under the democracy; for it did not fol- among other extraordinary means of raising suplow that they might not become peaceful and plies, it appears that they resorted to the spoliuseful subjects of the oligarchy, since there had ation of the temples. But this was an expebeen a time when both Critias and himself had dient which probably required some caution courted public favour. But Critias contended and secrecy, and which could not be carried that they were now in a position which they beyond certain limits. One which, perhaps, could only maintain by force and terror; and appeared both safer and more productive, was that every man who had the means of thwart suggested by Piso and Theoguis, two of their ing their plans, and who was not devoted to number, who observed that several of the resitheir interest, must be treated as an enemy. dent aliens were known to be ill affected to the This argument seems for the time to have sat- oligarchy, and thus afforded an excellent preisfied Theramenes. But as the deeds of blood text for plundering the whole class. They followed each other with increasing rapidity, therefore proposed that each of the Thirty and the murmurs of all honest citizens, though should have one of the wealthy aliens assigned stifled in public, began to find vent in private him, should put him to death, and take possescircles, Theramenes again warned his col- sion of his property. Theramenes very truly leagues that it would be impossible for the oli- remarked, that the sycophants, who had rengarchy to subsist long on its present narrow ba- dered the democracy odious to many, had nevHe wished that they might be able to dis-er done anything so iniquitous as what was now pense with the foreign garrison, and foresaw contemplated by the persons who were used to that, if they persisted in their present course, style themselves the best sort of people, for they could never safely dismiss it. His advice they had never taken away both money and now produced some effect on them; but they life; and he apprehended, with good reason, seem to have been alarmed not so much by the danger which he pointed out as by the warning itself. They knew that he was a man who had never adhered to any party which he believed to be sinking, and suspected that he might be meditating to put himself at the head of a new revolution, as in the time of the Four Hundred. And though his character was so generally un-planation. derstood that he had acquired a homely nickname,* which expressed the readiness with sis. * Κόθορνος-η shoe which fitted either foot. Aristoph... Ran., 530, τὸ μεταστρέφειν πρὸς τὸ μαλθακώτερον δεξιοῦ The ab πρὸς ἀνδρός εστι, καὶ φύσει Θηραμένους, cf. 2, 468. lusion in Aristophanes seems directly to contradict Hrichs, De Theramenis, Critia, et Thrasybuli rebus, who says, p. 31, of Theramenes, "ubi factionem aliquam in civitat nimis crescere animadvertebat sententiam mutasse videri volebat." If Dracontides was the author of this proposition, the language of Lysias, cited above, p. 492, might admit of ex μὲν ἀπέδοντο, τὰ δὲ εἰσιόντες ἐμίαινον. Isocrates, Areopa that this measure would render the aliens generally hostile to the government. But his colleagues, after what they had already done, were not disposed to view this question on the moral side, and, having braved the hatred of their fellow-citizens, they were not afraid of provoking the aliens. The proposition was adopted, and Theramenes was invited to single out his prey with the rest; but he refused to stain his hands with this innocent blood. It was, however, resolved to begin by taking ten lives; and, for the sake of covering the real motive, two of the victims were to be poor men, who would, therefore, be supposed to have suffered for some political offence. night he embarked for Megara. But Polemarchus, without being so much as informed of any charge-and, indeed, it does not appear that any was laid against him-was compelled to swallow the hemlock draught, the ordinary mode of capital punishment; and, so rigorously was the confiscation of his property executed, that even his wife was stripped of her ear-rings, and his friends were obliged to furnish the means of performing his exequies with decency. Men who were capable of perpetrating such actions could not long endure the presence of an associate who refused to take his full share of their guilt and odium. The colleagues of Theramenes resolved to rid themselves of a troublesome monitor, who might soon prove a dangerous opponent. They first endeavoured to communicate their distrust of his designs to the members of the council in private conversation, and then concerted a plan for an open attack on him. But, to ensure its success, they surrounded the council-chamber with a band of the most daring of their younger followers, armed with daggers, which they did not take much pains to conceal. Critias then came for It is to one of the persons whose life was threatened by this nefarious scheme that we owe a minute and lively description of one scene from the Athenian Reign of Terror. Cephalus, a Syracusan, had been induced, by the persuasions of Pericles, and, perhaps, in part by the state of affairs in his native city, to migrate to Athens. Two of his sons, Polemarchus and Lysias, had afterward joined the colonists sent out to Thurii, where Lysias, then a boy of fourteen, found an opportunity of culti-ward to accuse Theramenes, who was present. vating his talent for oratory under the guidance of eminent masters. When the disasters of the Athenians in Sicily had ruined their interest in all the Italiot cities, Lysias and his brother were compelled to quit Thurii on the charge of Atticism (of taking the Athenian side in political questions), and they returned to Athens, which was then under the government of the Four Hundred, and continued to reside there to the time which our narrative has now reached. They carried on a flourishing manufacture of shields, in which they employed 120 slaves as workmen, and their opulence enabled them to contribute largely to the service of their adopted country; but it excited the cupidity of the Thirty, and their attachment to the Athenian interest, which had driven them from Thurii, was now no less accounted a crime at Athens. They were, therefore, selected among the first victims devoted to destruction, on the motion of Piso and Theognis. He vindicated the frequency of the late executions, which some of the councillors considered as excessive, and observed that, in all revolutions, such measures were necessary, but more than in any other, when a populous city, which had long been used to democratical government, was brought under an oligarchy. The constitution which he and his colleagues had established was the only one that could gain the confidence of their benefactors, the Spartans, and that suited the interest of the best class, that to which they and the council belonged. Their policy, therefore, was to get rid of every one whom they perceived to be adverse to oligarchy; and they had the strongest of all reasons for so dealing with one of their own number who betrayed such sentiments, as was now the case with Theramenes. He had given the clearest proofs of his hostile disposition by censuring their proceedings, and by thwarting every step which they took towards removing their adversaries. And he was not merely an enemy, but a traitor; for it was he who had drawn them into the engagements which they had contracted with Sparta; he was the author of the revolution by which the democracy had been overthrown. It was he who had instigated them to the first acts of just severity by which they had incurred the popular resentment; and now, thinking them in danger, he wished to secede from them, that he might provide for his own safety. This, however, was only a new instance of his old treachery. He had begun by betraying the people, which honoured and trusted him for his father's sake,* into the hands of the Four Hundred, among whom he filled a conspicuous station; but he no sooner perceived symptoms of weakness in the oligarchy, than he deserted it, and placed himself at the head of the popular party. His fickle Piso himself, with Melobius and Mnesithides, undertook the seizing of Lysias and his property. They found Lysias at table with some guests, who were dismissed; and he was arrested by Piso, while the two others proceeded to the manufactory to take possession of all that they found there. In their absence Lysias prevailed on Piso, by a bribe, to promise to save his life. But Piso, notwithstanding the most solemn oaths, first seized all the gold in his coffers, of which he refused to let him keep a single piece for his journey, and then gave him up to the custody of Melobius and Mnesithides, who led him to the house of one Damnippus, where Theognis was guarding some other prisoners. Lysias was now consigned to the charge of Theognts; but while Damnippus, who happened to be his friend, was endeavouring to bribe Theognis, who was known to be no less ready than Piso to sacrifice the interests of his associates to his private gain, he made his es- his father by adoption. He was a native of Ceos. Hence Κατὰ τὸν πατέρα "Αγνωνα. Agnon, however, was only cape, and took shelter in the house of a friend one of the allusions to his political versatility in Aristoph., u Piraeus. Here he learned that Polemarchus Ran., 968, ὃς ἂν κακοῖς που περιπέση, καὶ πλησίον παραστῇ, had been arrested and dragged to prison by πέπτωκεν ἔξω τῶν κακῶν, οὐ Χίος, ἀλλὰ Κίος· ὅτι δοκεί προσ Eratosthenes, and in the course of the following's 16AEG. Schol. Compare Plut., Nic., 2. γεγράφθαι την πολιτεία, Αγνωνος αὐτον ποιησαμένου, ὡς ΕὔVOL. I.-R RR ness, indeed, had become proverbial; and the ease with which he shifted his side had proved fatal to numbers whom he had first seduced into revolutions, and had afterward abandoned. It was this same man who, having failed to execute the orders of his commanders after the battle of Arginusæ, caused them to be put to death for omitting what it was his own duty to have done. A man so uniformly selfish, and regardless of honour and friendship, was a fit object for the most rigorous justice; and the punishment due to his offences was now indispensably necessary for the common safety. In the name, therefore, of the Thirty, Critias impeached him as a traitor, and an enemy to the Constitution. These sentiments produced a very favourable impression on a majority of the council, who, as they did not share the spoil collected by the Thirty, would willingly have put a stop to their robberies and murders. A murmur of approbation, which ran through the assembly, warned Critias that he could not safely rely on its subserviency for the condemnation of Theramenes; and, after having conferred a few moments with his colleagues, he called in his armed auxiliaries, and stationed them round the railing within which the council sat. He then told the councillors that he thought he should be wanting in the duty of his station if he suffered his friends to be misled; and that the persons whom they now saw round them also declared that they would not permit a man who was manifestly aiming at the ruin of the oligarchy to escape with impunity. Now, by virtue of the new Constitution, none of the Three Thousand could be put to death except by a sentence of the council; but all who were not included in that list might be sent to execution without any form of trial by the Thirty. He therefore declared that, with the unanimous consent of his colleagues, he struck out the name of Theramenes from the list, and condemned him to death. Theramenes immediately rushed to the altar of Vesta, which stood in the middle of the Critias the right thus to dispose of his life and theirs, but to claim the benefit of a legal trial both for him and for themselves. He was Theramenes made a defence, which, with respect to the charges of Critias, was, in most points, a satisfactory vindication of his conduct. As to the prosecution of the generals, indeed, his statements, compared with Xenophon's narrative, seem to be made up of gross falsehoods; but he maintained his political consistency with a much fairer show of truth. He contended that he had proved himself to be a sincere friend to the existing oligarchy; for the measures which he had opposed were such as tended to its destruction. He had approved of the punishment of the sycophants; and on the same ground he had condemned the execution of in-room, and conjured the council not to allow nocent and respectable citizens, such as Leon, and Niceratus, and Antipho, and the seizure of the aliens; acts which could only alienate honest men of all classes from the oligarchical goy-aware that the altar would not protect him, and ernment. He had remonstrated against depri- had only fled to it that the impiety of his eneving the bulk of the citizens of their arms, be- mies might be as manifest as their injustice; cause he did not wish to see the city reduced to but he wondered that they, who knew that their a state of weakness, in which it could not serve own names might just as easily be erased, the purposes for which the Lacedæmonians had should abandon him to the pleasure of Critias." spared it. He had not agreed to the proposal The herald of the Thirty now summoned in the for introducing the foreign garrison, because he Eleven-the ministers of penal justice; they thought that the government might have been entered with their attendants, headed by Sabetter guarded by its own subjects. He had tyrus, the most reckless and shameless among objected to the strengthening of their exiled the satellites of the oligarchy. Critias bade enemies, as they had done, by passing sentence them apprehend Theramenes, who had been of banishment against men who, like Anytus, lawfully condemned, and lead him away to punand Thrasybulus, and Alcibiades, were the most ishment; and Satyrus and his followers procapable of conducting the other outlaws. The ceeded to drag him from the altar in spite of his policy which he had recommended was that vehement obtestations. The councillors, who which their adversaries would view with the saw themselves surrounded by armed assassins, greatest alarm, as fatal to their hopes. Nor and even the outer door beset with troops. rehad he ever departed from these principles. mained passive; and Theramenes was hurried He had adhered to the government of the Four across the agora, still loudly exclaiming against Hundred-which was established with the con- the treatment he suffered. Satyrus, it is said, sent of the people, in order to incline the Spar- would have stopped his outcries by a threat, tans to peace-until he saw an attempt made by its leaders to betray the city to the enemy. In a word, he was opposed alike to the abuses of an unlimited democracy, and to oligarchical oppression, and challenged Critias to show that he had ever favoured either. But he wished no less that the citizens who were most capable of serving the state should be united in its de- Xenophon adinires the serenity and cheerfulfence, than that others, whose indigence ex-ness indicated by these sallies in the hour of posed their integrity to perpetual temptations, should be excluded from offices which afforded them opportunities of betraying their country.* * Xenophon makes him say, "I have been always opposed to those who are content with no democracy but one in which both slaves, and persons who are ready, on acCount of their indigence, to sell the city for a drachma, have a drachma to their share." A drachma was the daily pay of a member of the Council of Five Ilundred. It should be the worse for him if he did not hold his peace." "Will it be the better for me," Theramenes asked, "if I do?" When be had drank the hemlock, he dashed the last drops on the ground, in imitation of a sportive convivial usage,* to the health, as he said, of his beloved Critias.+ death; but our admiration of such a deportment must mainly depend on our opinion of the sufferer's previous conduct and character Theramenes we find much to condemn, and no *The game of the cottabuss, in which the player 1000panied the sound of the falling liquor, which he threw to another vessel or on the ground, with the name of the atject of his affections. See Schol. Arist., Pax, 1243. † Κριτίᾳ τῷ καλῶ. thing to approve, except that he shrank from purpose of averting the danger. The Spartans, following his profligate associates in their ca- instigated perhaps by Lysander, issued an edict, reer of wickedness. We should not have been which showed to what a degree they were inclined to question that this abstinence was intoxicated by prosperity. It empowered the the effect of his justice and humanity, if his Athenian rulers to arrest the exiles in every conduct on the impeachment of the generals Greek city, and, under a heavy penalty, forbade had not proved how capable he was of sacrifi- any one to interfere in their behalf. But this cing both to his selfish interest. But even if he decree was no less impolitic than inhuman; it had not been guilty of baseness which deserves disclosed a domineering spirit which could not abhorrence, his imprudence would have forfeited but produce general alarm and disgust; but its his claims to our pity; for such blindness as his, object was beyond the reach of the Spartan in a statesman, becomes a crime. To correct power. At Argos and Thebes, and probably in the abuses of democracy, he agreed to invest a other cities, the injunction and threat were dissmall number of men-of whom he either knew regarded; the exiles continued to find hospinothing, or knew that they were among the table shelter. The Thebans more particularmost unprincipled of mankind-with absolutely took pains to manifest their contempt for the power. He wished that they should use it Spartan proclamation by a counter decree, diwith prudence and moderation, but had provi-recting that the persecuted Athenians should ded no means of regulating and restraining be received in all the Boeotian towns; that if them, except in view of their own interest, in any attempt should be made to force them which they happened to differ from him. They away, every Baotian should lend his aid to. preferred the indulgence of their passions to the rescue them; and that they should not be ob security of their power; it was he who had en-structed in any expedition which they might abled them to make the choice which he vainly censured. If he had reason to complain that they did not spare the author of their elevation, the other victims of their tyranny had much more cause to rejoice in his fate. He seems to have died unpitied by either of the parties whom he had alternately courted and abandoned. undertake against the party now in possession of Athens. This measure, though the spirit it breathes is so different from that in which the Theban commander had voted for the extirpation of the Athenian people, was not dictated either by justice or compassion towards Athens, but by jealousy and resentment towards. Sparta. Very soon after the close of the war, His death released the Thirty-among whom causes had arisen to alienate the Thebans from it is probable that Satyrus was immediately their old ally. They were always disposed to chosen to supply his place-from the last re- set a high value on the services which they had straints of fear or shame which had kept them rendered to the Peloponnesian cause, and now within any bounds of decency, and they now conceived that they had not been properly reproceeded to bolder and more thorough-going quited. They put forward some claims relating measures. They emulated the ancient tyrants, to the spoil collected at Decelea,* and likewise who had often removed the lowest class of the to the treasure carried to Sparta by Lysander, commonalty, for whom it was difficult to find which chiefly, it seems, at his instance, had employment, from the capital into the country, been resisted or neglected. Hence they could and prohibited all Athenians who were not on not, without great dissatisfaction, see Athens the list of the Three Thousand from entering in the hands of Lysander's creatures. This the city. But by the oligarchs this step seems feeling was, it must be supposed, encouraged not to have been adopted so much with a view by the democratical party at Thebes, which, to their safety, as to increase the facility of ra- though it had been kept under during the war, pine and murder. They continued to send out still subsisted, not without strength and hopes, their emissaries to seize the persons and con- and in the turn which the public mind had now fiscate the property of the citizens, who were taken against Sparta, saw a prospect of recovnow scattered by their decree over Attica. The ering its ascendency. And there is reason to greater part of the outcasts took refuge in Pira- believe, as we shall see more clearly in the seus; but when it was found that neither the pop-quel, that like causes now began to affect the ulous town nor their rural retreats could shel- state of parties at Corinth in a similar manner. ter them from the inquisition of their oppressors, numbers began to seek an asylum in foreign cities, and Argos, Megara, and Thebes were soon crowded with Athenian exiles. One of the men whom the Thirty had most cause to fear, and towards whom, in the early period of their reign, many eyes appear to have been turned at Athens in anxious expectation, The oligarchs, notwithstanding their Lace was removed either before or soon after the dæmonian garrison, and their reliance on Spar-death of Theramenes. Alcibiades, according tan protection, began to be alarmed at the state to which they had reduced themselves, and to dread the vengeance of their exiled enemies, who were waiting so near at hand for an opportunity of attacking them; and they applied to the Spartan government to interpose for the to the prevailing opinion, was sacrificed to the suspicions of the oligarchs. They had first, against the advice of Theramenes, condemned him to banishment, and then seem to have apprehended that he might place himself at the head of the malecontents. After the day of Ægospotami, he thought himself no longer safe in EuLysias, Eratosth., p. 127, represents him as claiming rope, and, crossing over to Asia, took refuge in this ment in his speech before the council-dviswy or the court of Pharnabazus, and insinuated himπάντων τῶν πεπραγμένων αὐτὸς αἴτιος. There are, however, an expressions to this effect in Xenophon's report. Self, with his wonted address, into his favour. But Critias, as we have seen, used this as a topic for height-The satrap granted the revenues of a Phrygian ening the guilt of bus apostacy - αὐτὸς ἀρξας τῆς πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους φιλίας, αὐτὸς δὲ τῆς τοῦ δήμου καταλύσεως. Xea., Hell., 1, 3, 28. * Xen., Hell., 11., s. 5. Justin, v., 11. |
