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time of peace, under a pretence to pay the soldiers; and, as if that did not suffice to empty the purses of the subject, this same parliament ordained a three months tax to be paid twice over. And, to mention but one more, here passed an act to erect a High court of justice for the preservation of the protector's person; but, in reality, with a design to give him power at pleasure, under the sanction of law, to take away the fortunes and lives of all such as he either feared, suspected, or disliked. This first narrative also gives you a catalogue, and some historical ac
count, of one hundred and eighty-two of the members of that unworthy assembly; who were either sons, kinsmen, servants, or attached to the protector's interest and fortunes, by places of profil, offices, salaries, or other advantages, which were all paid by the publick; and, to their great distress, amounted to one million sixteen thousand three hundred and seventeen pounds, sixteen shillings, and eight
pence sterling, and upwards per annum. “ Whereby it doth appear, says a certain author of that time, what fine
suckers they are of the riches and fatness of the commonwealth; and how unlikely they were (being so packed for his interest, and so well seasoned with the salt of his palace) to bring forth the so much prayed
for, engaged, fought, and bled for rights and liberties of the people.” Then follow a few queries, and a catalogue of the kinglings, or names
of those seventy that voted for the Kingship, with the counties which they represented; after this is mentioned, how the government, then to be established, was carried in the house but hy three voices. And this is attended with a list of those members of that assembly, who, though they gave not their vote, either for Kingship, or the then govetnment, by the humble petition and advice, and pretended to be against and dis-satisfied with both, are sharply and justly reproved for betraying the trust committed to them by the people; and
so this first narrative concludes with some general queries. The second narrative records some of the most remarkable passages,
which occur in their second session, with the end and dissolution of the whole, after two or three weeks sitting; as also something of another house, intended for a house of lords, describing forty-three of its members; though it was not long before that the chief of that new form of government had declared, “It would never be well, nei. ther should England ever see good days whilst there was left one Lord in the nation.' Yet now new Lords must be made by the dozens to aggrandize the lord protector, and make bim appear like a King, though so much blood and treasure had been lately spent against & negative voice in the King and lords.
NARRATIVE OF THE LATE PARLIAMENT,
(SO CALLED.) Their election and appearing; the seclusion of a great part
of them; the sitting of the rest. With an account of the places of profit, salaries, and advantages which they hold and receive under the present power; with some queries thereupon, and upon the most material acts and proceedings passed by them. All humbly proposed to consideration, and published for information of the people, by a friend to the commonwealth, and to its dear-bought rights and freedom,
Anno 1657, quarto, containing sixty-three pages.
great stickling and underhand dealing was put in practice by the Court-party, in driving on interests and designs, about chusing this last retended parliament; in improving the major generals 10 that purpose who were not wanting in the matter) as also by writing of letters to the sheriffs, who were (some of them) very officious in that service: whereby several worthy patriots had very foul and unequal terms offered them, not being suffered to be put in nomination; justifying their proceedings to be no other, than according to order they had so to do. Middlesex, Cheshire, Berkshire, and the city of Canterbury, may serve for instances instead of others. Neither were the clergy behind, in cndeavours for the advancement of their own interest, as appeared by meetings, held in very many counties, to agree and make choice before-hand among themselves, and then promote their choice against the election-day; and, upon the day appearlng, like so many captains, or leaders, cried up the parties, they had chosen before to serve their interest. But what cause the people have to rejoice, and give them thanks for this service, doth already in part appear; and further may, when they shall feel the burthens of excise and customs, with the many fetters and snares atiending the same, as also a tax backward, to be paid over again; and another for three years together, never the like in England before, together with a new project to raise money out of all such houses, for ten miles distance without the walls of the city of London, that, from thirty-seven years past, to the twenty.ninth of September last, have beeu built upon new foundations; with other acts serving designs, but not one for the ease of the people, or the punishment of those who have wronged and abused them; by which acts, these gentlemen, and those that chose them, make themselves accessary to, and, as much as in them lies, guilty of all this hard bondage, that now is, or may further come upou us.
The gentlemen, chosen to sit in this assembly, accordingly made their appearance, and gave attenuance at Westminster, in order to that service, where a great number of them and themselves secluded the house, and not suffered to enter in to do their duty; who having waited a day or two without success, many of them made an address to their fellowmembers, sitting in the house for their admittance. Sume of the names of those gentlenien, so kept out of the house, here follow. Sir Arthur Haslerigg
John Buxton Thomas Scott
William Bloyse Herbert Morley
William Gibbs John Bulkley
Thomas Southerton John Birch
Sir Thomas Bows Colonel Fenwick
Edward Harlow Anthony Erby
John Hanson Thomas Lister
Clement Throgmorton Thomas Birch
Henry North Thomas Sanders
Sir John Wittrọng Henry Darley
George Courthop John Weaver
Samuel Gost Alexander Popham
John Buckland Francis Thorp
Robert Long Anthony Ashley Cooper
John Northcot John Southby
John Young Richard Greenvil
John Doddrige Thomas Adams
Henry Hungerford Richard Brown
Edward Yooker Richard Darley
William Morrice Thomas St. Nicholas
John Haile William James
Edward Tukner John Boyse
Challen Chute Charles Hill
Daniel Shatterden John Jones
Sir Thomas Styles William Wolley
Richard Beale Richard Radcliff
Walter Moyle William Savill
Walter Vincent Theophilus Biddulph
John Gell Henry Mildmay
Henry Arthington Harbotile Grimston
Henry Tempest William Welby
James Clavering Charles Hussey
John Stanhope Edmund Harvey
Pen. Whaly John Sicklemore
Abel Barker William Doyly
Samuel More Ralph Hare
Thomas Minors John Hubbard
Samuel Jones Oliver Raymond
Edward Hooper Jeremiah Bentley
Richard Winneve Philip Woodhouse
The answer of the gentlemen in the house to the fore-mentioned ad. dress, was to thrs effect, viz. that those gentlemen must address themselves to the council.
Upon the unsatisfactoriness and injustice of which answer these gentlemen, rather than they would yield to so great a violation of parliamentary power, resolved to depart to their own countries again, which accordingly they did.
Upon this breach made in the house, and giving up the rights and interest of the English nation in parliament to be judged without doors, by an inferior power; divers gentlemen then sitting in the house, who being endued with principles of justice and righteousness, and love to the nation's freedom, immediately withdrew, and others would not enter into the house at all, but departed to their several habitations.
Upon all which, it is proposed and queried :
Ist. Whether since the conquest there was ever such a blow given (by a people owning theniselves a parliament) to the interest and freedom of the English nation, as the suffering to be secluded from them (by an inferior power) so great a number of members chosen by the people to sit, as their representatives in parliament, without any cause shewn for such a proceeding?
2. How this upstart protector and his council, of a little more than three years standing, should come to be impowered to do those things, which a King and his council, of more than four-hundred years descent, could not, nor durst not do. And whether the late, together with the former force put upon the house, by excluding so many of their members, be not a crime twenty-fold beyond that of the late King's, in going about to seclude the five members, so highly dis-resented in that day by the people, and afterwards attended with so great feud and bloodshed?
3. Whether, till this unworthy generation, there ever were such a company of false hearted, low-spirited, mercenary Englishmen sitting in that house before, that would at once so easily give up the right, interest, and freedom of this nation, in suffering their fellow-members to be rent from them, and judged without doors ? As if there were a just power at present upon earth, higher and greater than the good people's representers in parliament; which, by all well-affected people, in the army and elsewhere, was so generally acknowledged the supreme authority.
4. Whether these persons, in thus doing, as also in confirming (as it were) this usurpation by a law, in settling the government in a single person and his council, with a House of Lords as it was before; giving him a negative voice, and the power of disposing the militia and navy, things formerly so much * complained of, and opposed, as the effects of
• See a representation of the army, and large petition, in a book called Looking-glass. p. 5. 11, 12, 13. And in Alb. Remonst. p. 25. 26. A Letter, p 40. An Act of Parliament, after beheading of the King p. 44. of the same book; and a Declaration 19 July, 1650, p. 47. and Declaration i August following, p. 49, 50. And a Declaration after the old parliament was dissolved, p. 54 of the same book, all procured in that day by the now protector, so called, and the then honest part of the army.
tyranny and usurpation in the late King, together with many other things dune by them, tending to oppress and enslave the people, have not, as much as in them lies, pulled upon themselves, and the three nations, the guilt of all the blood of the late wars, acknowledged by the army and others, to be shed in removing the foresaid evils; as likewise to make void and fruitless the vast sums of money and treasure expended upon that account?
5. Whether the aforesaid gentlemen are not therefore to be esteemed, by all true-hearted Englishmen, as * betrayers of, and traitors to the cause of God, and their country's liberties, and a company of salarymen; sons, servants, kinsmen, and lawyers, &c. purposely packed to inthrone their protector's single interest, rather than a parliament of the commonwealth of England, lawfully called and constituted to carry on the good old cause, viz. the promoting of reformation, and vindication of the people's liberties :
6. Whether some of those gentlemen who were secluded, with others that were injuriously hindered from being chosen, have not been more faithful to the cause formerly contended for, and better patriots to their country; and such who less deserve why they should be rejected, than such as Mr. Glyn, Mr. Nicholls (two of the eleven members, who, endeavouring to settle the same things upon the King, they have now pretended to do upon their protector, were counted false to God and the people,) Sir Charles Ousley, and commissioner Fines.
7. And whether Mr. Thomas, St. Nicholas, Colonel Dixwell, &c. were not as capable, and every way more likely to counsel and advise for the good of their country, than the sons of major-general Desbrow, of Mr. Lawrence president of the council, and of Sir Hardress Waller, as yet both in years and experience children?
8. Doth not this picking a lukewarm neuter from one place, a cavalier from another, and young youths of no principle from another, and packing them with his kindred, sons, servants, and salary-men, and a sort of conquered Scotchmen, a thing formerly so much + feared and complained of in the late King, now plainly declare, that his pretence in dissolving the old parliament, for not making provision in their act for a new representative to keep our presbyters and neuters, was false; and that it was rather done as a farther step, whereby he might ascend into this present greatness, than for the preservation of the cause, which, at that time, was so highly pretended to?
9. Or is this practice, in the least measure, agreeing with that spirit pretended unto in the choice of the little parliament, or with that profession made by him in his speech to them, viz. that they had not allowed themselves, in the choice of one person, of whom they had not this good hope, there was Il faith in Jesus Christ, and love to all the saints. And that they judged it their duty to chuse none but godly men of principles, men knowing and fearing the Lord; who had made observations of his marvellous dispensations; such as he had formed for himself, be
See Looking-glass p.67. in a declaration, July 19, 1650 ; the army confess so much themselves. + See Looking-glass, p. 22. in remonstrance at Albans.
See p. 58, of the same book, in his speech to the little parliament.