jeopardy in which he had most reprehensibly placed all the Reformed in Bohemia, Silesia, Poland, &c.-The famous Maresius of Groningen also answered Comenius in 1657, and described him as "not deficient in genius, but a fanatic, a visionary, and an enthusiast in folio, who pretended, that the prophecies of Drabicius would furnish labour for all the princes in Europe. He addressed letters to the Pope, the emperor, to kings and cardinals, recommending this work to them as the rule and standard by which they ought to regulate their proceedings.” Maresius also declared, that "Comenius and other millenary fanatics had no other object in view than to excite people to rebellion, and that he had omitted no endeavours to persuade Cromwell to foment disturbances in Bohemia. He had long before concluded, that since the event did not answer to the predictions of Felgenhaverus, they had not a Divine origin. But now, with regard to those of his three seers, he defends them from all attacks, although they have been completely falsified by the event; and he has the audacity to compare them, in a manner the most impious, profane, and sacrilegious, with the prophecies of the Old Testament." It is also pleasing to learn, that Comenius, after all his elaborate defences of these false prophets, was finally sensible of the vanity of his labours, and of the unnecessary trouble which he had given himself since he had been forced to leave his native country. This appears from a treatise, which he published at Amsterdam in 1668, entitled "The One Thing Needful," and in which he confesses the futility of all his prophetic toils, and states his determination to devote all his future thoughts to his personal salvation.

But, before we close this article on the Calvinistic Prophets, an extract from the celebrated M. Jurieu's book, entitled The Accomplishment of the Prophecies, and published in 1686, may be of some service, in showing the contemptible nature of those enthusiastical compositions, and the temporary political purposes to which they had been previously applied by many learned and sober Calvinists, in various parts of Europe. In the preface, M. Jurieu said, I found in the prophecies of Kotter, Christina, and Drabicius, which were published by Comenius, something great and surprizing. Kotter, the first of these 'three prophets, is grand and lofty. The images of his visions are likewise noble and majestic; in this respect, they are not 'exceeded by those of the ancient prophets. All of them are wonderfully well-concerted and indited; they are all uniform and consistent. I cannot imagine how it was possible for a 'mere mechanic to form such exalted conceptions without 'Divine Assistance.-The two years of Christina's prophecy are, in my opinion, a series of as great miracles as have hap

pened since the time of the apostles. Nay, I have not met with any thing, in the lives of the greatest prophets, more miraculous than what has befallen this young woman.Drabicius also has his loftinesses; but then he is much more difficult and obscure.-These three prophets agree in foretelling the fall of the Anti-christian empire, as an event which must soon occur: But, on the other hand, one's heart is rather ' averse to them, for they contain many circumstances that give 'offence.'-The last clause is a piece of French badinage, for the author shows his approbation of these romantic writers by the use to which he afterwards applies their predictions. In one part he says, There are some people who believe, that the hopes which I hold out of a restoration in a few years, may be of great prejudice. It is certain that prophecies, whether true or fictitious, have frequently inspired those for whom they were formed with the resolution of undertaking such enterprizes as had been assigned to them.' In another passage he says, With respect to the remark which many people have made, that I speak too confidently about things, which, perhaps, I ought to have proposed only as weighty con'jectures, the world will probably one day be informed of the chief motive which prompted me to deliver my sentiments in such a decided manner, and with so much confidence on the explanation of the prophecies.-M. Jurieu's improper motives, in resuscitating this exploded nonsense, have been ably exposed by M. Pelisson in his Reflections on the Disputes concerning Religion, and by M. Brueys, in his History of the Fanaticism of these times. The latter says, 'Jurieu knew perfectly well, that he was not a prophet; but he was desirous of imposing on the people, that he might excite them to take up arms and raise a civil in the heart of this country, in order to favour the designs of our enemies. So full of this detestable project was he when he wrote his Book on the Prophecies, that he could not avoid discovering it to a reader of the least penetration.-This minister promised the Calvinists, that Popery should have a speedy downfal, and predicted the approaching deliverance of their church. He promised these things as if from God, by informing the people that they were contained in the oracles of the Revelations.'

war

M. Bayle, who on many occasions acts the part of M. Jurieu's apologist, and who on some points in the present instance has not deserted him, thus delivers his opinion: "What I have said of Comenius, I apply to a famous divine of Rotterdam, [Jurieu, ] who has explained the scripture prophecies under an extremely bold pretence of being inspired. I do not assume authority to judge his heart, and I will allow it to be supposed that he did not act against his conscience. But no one ought to be offended

when I declare, that he has been suspected of harbouring no other design than that of exciting people to take up arms and to embroil all Europe. The ground of their suspicion is this-bis not evincing any signs of confusion after the event had falsified the prophecy in a manner that was beyond all dispute. Another ground of their surmise is this-that, in imitation of Comenius, he has attempted to re-unite the Lutherans and Calvinists, in hopes, it is said, of increasing the number of troops to attack Antichrist."

Concerning Comenius also, the latter author has observed; "These persons fortel the things which they desire to see attempted, and then they set all their machinery to work in order to engage all those in their enterprize whom they consider suitable partizans. It is very probable, that the great application which Comenius employed in trying to unite all the Protestants in one body, proceeded from a desire which he entertained of forming a powerful party, that might fulfil the prophecies with temporal weapons. Another circumstance did Comenius an injury: He was a man of parts and learning; on other matters he argued very ably, and on these like a man of genius and nothing in his person gave him the appearance of an enthusiast. This caused the world to infer, that he did not believe the things which he uttered. There may be, and sometimes there is, imposture in ecstatic grimaces: But those who boast of being inspired, without evincing by the countenance or expressions that their brain is disordered, and without doing any act that is unnatural, ought to be infinitely more suspected of fraud, than those who from time to time fall into strong convulsions as the Sybils did in a greater or less degree. I am willing to have it thought, that Comenius did not harbour any sinister design. But what shall we answer to those who censure him for having published Kotter's prophecies, even when the event had demonstrated their falsity? I will own, that this appears to me quite inexcusable." But, omitting all mention of Comenius with his two prophets and prophetess, what excuse can be framed for such men as the Treasurer Teelingh, Dr. William Stephanus, and Professor Herlicius, each of whom assumed the prophetic character; and for Dr. Pelargus and M. Jurieu, the grave and reverend apologists of such enthusiasts? We only know, that the greatest part of them were violent Calvinists, who, notwithstanding the adverse stream of providential occurrences and in the absence of all facts in their favour, chose to argue propitiously concerning the ultimate and speedy establishment of that Calvinian universal Monarchy about which all that sanguine party had dreamed; and, to keep alive these high expectations in others, they or their hirelings prophesied smooth and delightful things to the people.

But after all these auspicious predictions, which had their origin in the partially successful experiment of the Synod of Dort, and after all their strenuous endeavours to cause those predictions to ripen into facts, the Calvinists of the United Provinces saw Prince Maurice advanced no higher in the scale of sovereign princes, their darling King Frederic neither became Emperor of Germany nor regained Bohemia and the Palatinate, Du Moulin and the Rochelle Calvinists did not succeed in their seditious attempts against the King of France, and

* The daring conduct of these men has been already described by Grotius in the preceding Appendix C. But as a succinct account of it is necessary to complete the view of the enterprizes in which the Calvinists were encouraged to engage by their success at the Synod of Dort, I here furnish that account in the language of Dr. Heylin, a writer, who, from his situation, was well acquainted with the events of that age :-.

"Such was the miserable end of the war of Bohemia, raised chiefly by the pride and pragmaticalness of Calvin's followers, out of a hope to propagate their doctrines, and advance their discipline in all parts of the empire. Nor sped the Hugonots much better in the realm of France; where, by the countenance and connivance of King Henry the 4th who would not see it, and during the minority of Lewis the 13th who could not help it, they possessed themselves of some whole countries, and near two hundred strong towas and fortified places. Proud of which strength, they took upon them as a commonwealth, in the midst of a kingdom; summoned assemblies for the managing of their own affairs, when aud as often as they pleased; gave audience to the ministers of foreign churches; and impowered agents of their own to negotiate with them. At the same meetings they consulted about religion, made new laws for government, displaced some of their old officers, and elected new ones; the King's consent being never asked to the alterations. These carriages gave the King such just offence, that he denied them leave to send Commissioners to the Synod of Dort, to which they had been earnestly invited by the States of the Netherlands. For being so troublesome and imperious when they acted only by the strength of their provincial or national meetings, what danger might not be suspected from a general confluence, in which the heads of all the faction might be laid together? But then, to sweeten them a little after this refusal, he gave them leave to hold an assembly at Charenton, four miles from Paris, there to debate those points, and to agree those differences which, in that Synod, had been agitated by the rest of their party; which liberty they made such use of in the said assembly, that they approved all the determinations which were made at Dort, commanded them to be subscribed, and bound themselves aud their successors in the ministry by a solemn oath, not only steadfastly and constantly to adhere unto them, but to persist in maintenance thereof to the last gasp of their breath.-But the Hugonots were not to be told, that all the Calvinian Princes and estates of the empire had put themselves into a posture of war; some for defence of the Palatinate, and others in pursuance of the war of Bohemia, of which they gave themselves more hopes than they had just cause for. In which conjuncture, some hot spirits then assembled at Rochelle, blinded with pride, or hurried on by the fatality of those decrees which they maintained to be resolved upon by God before all eternity, reject all offers tending to a pacification, and wilfully run on to their own destruction. Next, let us look upon the King, who, being brought to a necessity of taking arms, first made his way unto it by his declaration of the second of April, published in favour of all those of that religion who would contain themselves in their due obedience. In pursuance whereof, he caused five persons to be executed in the city of Tours, who had tumultuously disturbed the Hugonots, whom they found busied at the burial of one of their dead. He also signified to the King of Great Britain, the Princes of the S

many more imaginary Calvinistic triumphs terminated in the hopelessness of despondency. Yet, after the lapse of a few years, a great door of hope was opened to the party in England: They seized upon the opportunity of the quarrel between King Charles I and his Parliament, introduced CALVINISM as the only religion to be tolerated in these realms, and overturned the monarchical government of the country. I know it is usual for writers on this subject to expose the clashing designs and interests of the different parties, who, either as principals or accessaries, were concerned in that religious and political revolution. But let them be called Presbyterians, Independents, or Episcopal Puritans, they were all animated by the same paramount desire of crushing Arminianism: and the genius of Presbyterianism and Independency will be allowed by all moderate men to point towards a Republican form of government in the State as well as empire, and the States of the Netherlands, that he had not undertook this war to suppress the religion, but to chastise the insolencies of rebellious subjects. And what he signified in words, he made good by his deeds; for when the war was at the hottest, all those of that religion in the city of Paris lived as securely as before, and had their accustomed meetings at Charenton, as in times of peace."

After alluding to the very imprudent act of King Charles I., in assisting the French Calvinists in 1626 and 1628, Dr. Heylin thus proceeds :

"Which being observed by those of Rochelle, who were then besieged to landward by the King in person, and even reduced unto the last extremity by plagues and famine; they presently set open their gates, and, without making any conditions for their preservation, submitted absolutely to that mercy which they had scorned so often in their prosperous fortunes. The King, thus master of the town, dismantleth all their fortifications, leaves it quite open both to sea and land, commands them to renounce the name of Rochelle, and to take unto the town the name of Mary Ville, or Bourg de St. Mary."

* Strong and irrefragable proofs of this assertion will be found in many of the subsequent parts of this Appendix. Indeed, it was a subject about which, in a short time, the English and Scotch Calvinists, used no kind of disguise, as will appear by the following quotation from one of the letters of Grotius to his brother, dated March 30th, 1641:-" It is supposed that [the Earl of Strafford] who has been Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, will clear himself from all charges. Far greater hatred is displayed by the populace against the Archbishop [Laud], as was very apparent when he was committed prisoner to the Tower: For a seditious tumult was raised against him, as though he was not then sufficiently unfortunate. Yet, on that unhappy occasion, he quoted these lines of Juvenal, and applied them with the greatest propriety to the outrageous mob: at quid turba fremit? sequitur fortunam, ut semper, et odit damnatos, &c.—Sat. x. "Good! what think the people?"-They! They follow fortune, as of old; and hate, With their whole souls, the victim of the state.

Gifford.

A short Apology by the Scotch has been published here, in which they declare, that they have not taken up arms against the King or the English nation, but against the Archbishop and the REST OF THE ARMINIANS! You perceive what uncommon hatred is manifested against THE TRUTH, that is, against sentiments that are moderate, and can, in their origin, lay claim to antiquity."

In my early theological studies, it was frequently a subject of wonder to me, that Arminianism should be called Popery by some of its early opponents: For this reproachful epithet I could never discover a cause. One