JAN 7, 1829.] Slavery in the District of Columbia. [HI. OF R. we determined to erect forts for the purpose of defend-The instructions to be given by the President will diing our citizens against aggression: what protection rect their labors in a proper channel. Much, however, could a fort at the mouth of the Columbia afford to must be left to the sound and intelligent discretion of the traders and trappers, four or five hundred miles dis- chief of the expedition. The latitude allowed appears to tant, in a rugged and almost unpassable wilderness me necessary to accomplish the objects in view. Surely none, either against a savage or a British rival. Mr. T. closed his remarks in support of his amendment Avarice and revenge, as heretofore, would continue to by adverting to an observation made by his colleague, [Mr. perpetrate deeds of blood, and find impunity in the deep CAMBRELENG] to wit: "that our right to the country is recesses of the forest. Is it wonderful that murders are undoubted, and our traders must be protected." Mr. T. committed in the Indian country? Who does not know said he considered our title better than that of any Eurowith what deadly hate the tread of a white hunter is heard pean nation, but yet it was going too far to say it was unby the Indian watching his traps? The deer and the buf-doubted. It not only had been doubted, but adverse falo fade away before the march of civilization, and the claims had been interposed. He wished to have them amhungry savage, turning his back on the bones of his fath- icably adjusted. He was persuaded neither this country ers, vexed by the ploughshare of his abhorrence, directs nor Great Britain would be foolish or wicked enough to his indignant steps towards the setting sun. go to war about a degree of latitude on the Northwest of industry mentioned in the course of this debate. He would protect a trader in the wilderness, a merchant or navigator on the ocean, and a manufacturer in his workshop, each according to the magnitude and value of the interests at stake. Mr. CAMBRELENG replied to his colleague, who inquired how a military post at the mouth of the Columbia could protect our traders hundreds of miles in the interior; how were they cut off that it was by the secret agency of the Hudson Bay Company. Establish your posts in the neighborhood of Fort George, and our traders will not be missing. They will go, in perfect security, from the mountains to that post, whenever the Hudson Bay Company know that there is a power at hand to protect them against the authors of such atrocities. Too much had been conceded to Great Britain in the debate; even more than she herself pretended to claim. The country, it was true, was, by the treaty, "free and open" to the traders of both nations; but the rights and claims of both parties were not changed in any manner whatever: our right to possession, which carried with it the right to establish military posts to prevent massacres in that region; and her mere claim, which gave to Great Britain no right whatever to establish a garrison, or place a cannon, within the boundaries of that country, the possession of which she had formally conceded to the United States. Even there he is to be met by forts useless to us, but an- Coast; but if difficulty should arise in regard to other matnoying to him. Does not this broad continent contain acres ters, this might be brought in to widen the breach. He enough to satisfy the cupidity of Christian men, without has-wished to see the limits settled, and the provisions of our tening to cross the Rocky Mountains to disturb their red bre-treaty with Great Britain enforced in relation to the Inthren on those streams whose banks are washed by the west-dian trade. We then should need neither forts nor arerntide? Of the public domain in our organized States and mies to protect our traders in the Indian country. He was Territories, already surveyed and offered to the selection willing to extend all reasonable protection to the branches of settlers, we have more than eighty-three millions of acres. Let us encourage settlements here, and not invite our people to scatter themselves along the banks of the Pacific Ocean. At least let us first send explorers and collect information concerning this disputed country-disputed not only in regard to title, but also in regard to its climate, soil, and natural productions. On these subjects, up to this moment, the gentlemen from Massachusetts and Missouri, [Messrs. EVERETT and BATES] differ from each other toto cœlo. And yet the gentleman from South Carolina, [Mr. DRAYTON] objects to my amendment, because it will occasion some delay. What is, with him, an objection, is, with me, a strong recommendation. In my judgment, it is better to go safely than hastily. It is no ordinary business in which we are engaged. We are about to plant a nation; to lay the foundation of a government on this continent, which it is not even pretended can constitute a part of this republic. The gentleman himself [Mr. DRAYTON] is willing to authorize the President, in his discretion, to suspend the erection of forts, until after a survey shall be inade by a corps of engineers. I am unwilling, at this time, to authorize the erection of forts; to take this plunge in the dark, with the scanty and contradictory information we possess. He objects, in the second place, to a preliminary exploration, as unusual, it not having been made in any part of the territory which incontestably belongs to us, and therefore ought not to be in this, which perhaps never will belong to us. To this I reply, if it be inexpedient merely to explore a territory on our borders, to which we claim title, because, by possibility, that title may prove invalid, a fortiori, ought we to abstain from incurring the expense and endangering the public peace, by erecting forts in the same territory? Geological and topographical information concerning foreign countries SLAVERY IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. may be eminently useful; but forts, in the hands of a rival nation, erected by us, would strengthen them at our exThe question recurring on the motion of Mr. WICKpense. In regard to the third objection, which is, that LIFFE, to strike out the preamble to the resolutions ofthe expedition would be exposed to great danger, I think fered by Mr. MINER, on the subject of slavery within it must be apparent that a corps of persons, each of whom the District of Columbia— The question was then stated on Mr. TAYLOR'S amendment, and a division upon it demanded: but the hour be ing late, and no quorum voting, the Committee rose without having decided the question. WEDNESDAY, JAN. 7, 1829. should be selected with a view to his especial qualifica- Mr. MINER continued his remarks, cut short yesterday. tions for this species of service, acquainted, in some de- Mr. M. in commencing his speech, observed that, as gree, with the country, its inhabitants, and their customs, doubts had been expressed of the correctness of the allewould be less exposed to danger than ordinary troops and gations set forth in the preamble, it became his duty to engineers of the United States--less, indeed, than ordinary the House to show that they were well founded. His purtraders in the country, because they would come in colli-pose in presenting the matter in this form was, to arrest sion with none of the interests of either traders or Indians. the attention of the House, by concentrating, in the narThe fourth and last objection urged against the amend-rowest compass in his power, some general principles and ment which I have proposed, is, that it does not define the striking facts, bearing upon the subject. In the first place, country to be explored with sufficient accuracy. In[said Mr. M.] I have set forth the constitutional power of this respect, I have followed the words of the treaty.Congress over this District. On this point, I suppose there can be no difference of opinion. In article 1, section 8, of the constitution, it is declared that Congress shall have power "to exercise exclusive legislation, in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of Government of the United States." The words are full, clear, and explicit. The power extends to "legislation in all cases whatsoever." We, therefore, are the local as well as general Legislature here. Maryland has no longer any authority: Virginia has no longer any legislative power within the District. If evils exist, we alone can remedy them. If injustice and oppression prevail, we are alone responsible. In 1824, In 1826 and 1827, [JAN 7, 1829. So that it Debtors, and persons charged with criminal offences, of course, are not included in this statement. would appear that, in the last five years, more than four hun dred and fifty persons had been confined in the public prison of the city--a prison under the control of Congress, and regulated by its laws-for sale, in the process of the And here, [said Mr. M.] I would most earnestly im- slave trade. Such [said Mr. M.] is not the intention for press upon the House, that those who suffer evils which which the prison was erected. Pennsylvania, so far as she they alone have the power to prevent, are accountable is concerned, and her means are appropriated to repair and for these evils. The legislature that permits bad laws to keep up the prison, I am confident in saying, does not, remain in force is not less responsible, before God and the and never has, intended that it should be used for this pur world, for the injustice that results from them, than the pose. On a former occasion, duty led me to make some legislature that enacts unjust laws, or the Government statements respecting this matter before the House, which that perpetrates injustice. I am aware, sir, that the sub-it may be proper to bring to mind. Visiting the prison in ject of slavery is one of great delicacy, exciting strong 1826, and passing through the avenues that lead to the feelings whenever it is mentioned; but it exists here, and cells, I was struck with the appearance of a woman hav exercises a large influence in the District; yet, since the ing three or four children with her, one at the breast. She Federal Government was established in this place, it has presented such an aspect of woe that I could not help inbeen almost wholly neglected. Maryland, in the liberal quiring her story. It was simply this: She was a slave, spirit of the age, has softened the harsher features of her but had married a man who was free. By him she laws in respect to this class of persons. But the ameliora-had eight or nine children. Moved by natural affection, ting influence in her statutes extends not within the limits the father labored to support the children, but, as they at she has ceded to us. The code of Virginia, I believe, tained an age to be valuable in market, perhaps ten or has undergone salutary modifications. Our legislation has twelve, the master sold them. One after another was left the subject where we found it nearly thirty years ago. taken away and sold to the slave dealers. She had now Gentlemen from the South did not feel it to be their duty come to an age to be no longer profitable as a breeder, to move in the matter: gentlemen from the North, see- and her master had separated her from her husband ing it created so much excitement whenever mentioned, and all the associations of life, and sent her and her chil have passed it by. In consequence of this neglect, as I dren to your prison for sale. She was waiting for a purshall show you, have grown numerous corruptions, leading chaser, and seemed to me to be more heart-broken than to cruelty and injustice that ought no longer to be tolerated. any creature I had ever seen. I am free to say, sir, and I And here permit me to remark, sir, that the extreme would appeal to every gentleman who hears me, to say, if sensitiveness, supposed to exist when slavery is mentioned, it is proper that the public prisons under our jurisdiction ought not, in my judgment, to prevail. It is a great should be used to carry on a traffic which exhibits scenes political interest in the country, which the prescient eye like this. Of the four hundred and fifty others, I know of the statesman cannot fail intensely to regard. Con- nothing. I see no reason to suppose that there were not fining myself to this District, slavery exists here, and many cases of equal cruelty. Of the two hundred and while it exists, must be regulated. Sooner or later it must ninety committed as runaways, many were delivered to become the subject of our legislation. Now, to my mind, their masters; some were sold for want of proof that they there is nothing more clear than this, that every subject were free; and some proved their freedom, and were dishaving a broad political bearing, or which it is our duty charged. It seems to me a hardship, that persons born to regulate by legislation, ought, in these halls, conse-free in New York, Pennsylvania, or elsewhere, who per crated to the freedom of debate, to be spoken of by mem-haps never thought of a certificate of freedom, should, withbers freely, familiarly, and without even the apprehension out any charge of crime, if they come within this District, of giving pain or offence. Certainly this, like every other be thrown into prison. Some proof, at least, ought to be matter, should be discussed in a suitable temper, and with made, raising a presumption that they are runaway slaves, a proper deference for the opinions, and delicacy for the before they should be deprived of personal liberty. A feelings, of those who entertain different sentiments. As free man, poor, friendless, and ignorant, so arrested and it regards slavery and the slave trade, as they prevail with- confined in a cell of little more than ten feet square, would in this District, having examined the subject with care, have but slight chance of asserting his rights. Five that having visited your prisons and other scenes of wretched were committed in 1826-7, without any proof of their be ness, as one of the local legislature, I have felt it my duty ing slaves, were sold for their gaol fees and other expenses. to bring the subject to your notice, in a manner best cal- I could wish, sir, we knew what they sold for, and what be culated to awaken your attention to the evils that exist. came of the money. It will be seen, on a moment's reflec Among the allegations in the preamble, are these:tion, how strong the motive, on the part of the slave trad That slave dealers, gaining confidence from impunity, have ers, and those who find it their interest to aid them, to seize made the Seat of the Federal Government their head-quar- upon persons who come into the District, to confine them ters for carrying on the domestic slave trade: that the closely in prison, to intercept their letters, to permit them to public prisons have been extensively used for carrying on be sold, and to buy them in. The system naturally leads to the domestic slave trade; and that officers of the Federal fraud and injustice; in some instances, to great cruelty. In Government have been employed, and derived emolu-August, 1821, a black man was taken up and imprisoned as ments, from carrying on this traffic. By papers furnished a runaway. He was kept confined until October, 1822-four me by the keeper, it appears that there were sent to pri- hundred and five days. In this time, vermin, discase, and son, for safe keeping, that is, as is well understood, for misery, had deprived him of the use of his limbs. He was sale, and imprisoned as runaways: rendered a cripple for life, and discharged, as no one would JAN. 7, 1829.] Slavery in the District of Columbia. [H. OF R. buy him. Turned out upon the world, as a miserable pau- So the man was sold, and sent off by the slave dealers per, disabled by our means from gaining subsistence, he into hopeless bondage, though probably having as much is some times supported from the poor house; sometimes right to freedom as we have. Will any one doubt but craves alms in your streets. I cannot think that these our laws need revision? Can any one who hears me things ought to be so. They appear to me as incompati- question but that this whole matter needs to be looked inble with our duty, and the interests of the District, as they to with a searching eye? If this event had happened in a are contrary to the principles of justice and the rights of hu- distant country, how strongly would it have affected us! manity. For their services, it cannot be supposed that the There is, in the public prints, an advertisement of a woman Marshal, and his deputies, the keepers of the prisons, go as a runaway, and that she will be sold forher gaol fecs. unrewarded. They are, I take it, federal officers, deriving She is a yellow woman of about nineteen. She seems inteltheir powers from the Federal Government. What is the ligent, and to have been well brought up. Her story is, amount of their fees and their perquisites, I have no means of that she is entitled to her freedom at twenty-five: but that knowing. Suppose fees and commissions, on each per- her present master, who is a slave dealer, is trying to make son, of twenty dollars-that would, on 452×20=9040- her a slave for life. In this case, I do not think the conupwards of nine thousand dollars in five years. Half that finement is intended to aid him. But it will be seen in a sum would be something considerable. Double this amount, moment that when the subject passes by unheeded, a dealer, if the prison at Alexandria should yield as much more, owning a servant who has two or three years to serve, may would be a large sum. The same amount on the persons cause him to be arrested as a runaway, let him be sold for imprisoned as runaways would make a large addition to gaol fees, have a trusty friend to buy him in, and thus convert their receipts. If a free man is sold for gaol fees, if those a servant for a term of years into a slave for life. A more fees amount to fifty dollars, and he sells for three hun expeditious mode of proceeding, by which persons having dred, does the Marshal retain the balance of three hundred, a limited time to serve are deprived entirely of their rights, or does it go into the public treasury? I see no such item is thus: They are purchased up at cheap rates by the slave in the account of receipts. I mean not, by any remarks I traders. They remove them to a great distance. It will make, to impeach or cast a reflection upon the Marshal, be easily seen how small the chance that such persons or any officer under him. The Marshal I have not the would be able to preserve the proofs of their freedom, and pleasure to know, and have no intention to censure. The how little would their protestations be heeded, without system is, I presume, as he found it. The system is ours; proof. They are carried where redress is hopeless. Thus we are responsible; and if there is blame, it rests mainly the slave trade, as it exists, and is carried on here, is at our doors. Of the keeper of the prison, I am bound marked by instances of injustice and cruelty, scarcely exto say that his deportment has been uniformly correct, so ceeded on the coast of Africa. It is a mistake to suppose far as it has come to my knowledge. While he is faithful, it is a mere purchase and sale of acknowledged slaves. he is yet humane. Since my remarks on a former occa- The District is full of complaints upon the subject, and sion, the prison and its discipline appear to be much im- the evil is increasing. So long ago as 1802, the extent and proved, and the miseries of the wretched inmates alleviated. cruelty of this traffic produced from a Grand Jury at AlexI have another case of hardship [said Mr. M.] to bring andria a presentment, so clear, so strong, and so feelingly to your notice—a man was taken up as a runaway, and drawn, that I shall make no apology for reading the whole advertised for sale. He protested that he was a free man. of it to the House. [Here Mr. M. read the following preNo proof to the contrary appeared. As the time of sale sentment of the Grand Jury:] approached, a good deal of interest was excited for him, and two respectable citizens interposed in his behalf. They asked the delay of a short time, that the rights of the man might be ascertained. They went so far as to offer security for the payment of the fces, if the sale could be delayed. But I will read the evidence of what I state: DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, ? 88. "January Term, 1802. "We, the Grand Jury for the body of the county of Alexandria, in the District of Columbia, present, as a grievance, the practice of persons coming from distant parts of the United States into this District, for the purpose of purchasing slaves, where they exhibit to our view a scene of wretchedness and human degradation, disgraceful to our characters as citizens of a free Government. numbers. Washington County, S Appear before me, a Justice of the Peace in and for this county, Ezekiel Young and Josiah Bosworth, two re"True it is, that those dealers in the persons of our fellowspectable witnesses, and make oath, in due form of law, bers of those victims of slavery, and lodge them in some men collect, within this District, from various parts, numthat, in the last summer, they were at the gaol of the county of Washington, in the said District, in behalf of a black place of confinement until they have completed their man called James Green, who stated that he was free, and They are then turned out in our streets and could prove his freedom, and had written on for the pur committed some heinous offence against our laws. exposed to view, loaded with chains, as though they had We pose: That they did importune with the Deputy Marshal of this District to postpone the sale, and offered security consider it a grievance, that citizens from distant parts of for the fees; yet the said Deputy Marshal said he could the United States should be permitted to come within this not postpone the sale. He was then sold to a man who District, and pursue a traffic fraught with so much misery acknowledged himself a slave dealer, but said he would to a class of beings entitled to our protection by the laws continue the slave here a few days, but did not. sold without any limitation of time of service, and no security was required of the slave dealer to retain him in the District. He was Given under my hand and seal, this 28th January, 1828. I was told that a lady and family, from New York, were passing through the District a year or two ago, on a visit to some Southern friends. A yellow woman accompanying her fell ill in the District, and she was obliged to leave her. On her recovery, she was seized on by the agents of the si..ve dealers, and imprisoned as a runaway; and was final ly, by some process, either by sale, or by some one claiming or pretend ng to claim her, made a slave of. The impression on my mind was, that gross justice had bec. done; but I could not trace the facts so clearly as to warrant my men, ming the ease to the House.-Note by Mr. M. VOL. V.--23 of justice and humanity; and that the interposition of civil from their offspring, and children from their parents, withauthority cannot be had to prevent parents being wrested out respect to the ties of nature. We consider those grievof making sale of black people, who are, by the will of ances demanding legislative redress; especially the practice their masters, designed to be free at the expiration of a term of years, who are sold, and frequently taken to distant parts, where they have not the power to avail themselves of that portion of liberty "which was designed for their enjoyment." The National Legislature were too much engaged, or from other causes did not interpose, and the slave trade continued to increase in extent and enormity. In 1816, a distressing event, which created great excitement in the city, occasioned a movement in Congress in respect to the [Mr. M. here read an extract from the Journal of the House.] matter. [JAN. 7, 1829. This traffic, and the views it exhibits, I beg the House to be assured, are as offensive to the people of the District as they are unjust in themselves, and impolitic in us to countenance. Can it be supposed otherwise without a reproach to the good sense and moral sensibility of its "On motion of Mr. Randolph, "Resolved, That a committee be appointed to in-citizens? But the slave dealers feel themselves secure. quire into the existence of an inhuman and illegal traffic in slaves, carried on in and through the District of Columbia, and report whether any, and what, measures are necessary for the putting a stop to the same." These scenes have been exhibited here by the slave dealers They do not dread any expression of your displeasure. for nearly thirty years, under your eye, and Congress has not moved to arrest their course. Your silence gives sanction to the trade. If an evil, you alone can correct it. If If correctly informed, the immediate cause of the excite- you take no steps to correct it, does not your silence imment was this: A woman, confined among others, in the ply acquiescence, if not approbation? Is it then strange that upper chamber of a three story private prison, used by the slave dealers should gain confidence from impunity, the slave dealers in their traffic, was driven, by sorrow and and make this their head quarters for carrying on the despair at the idea of being separated from all that she held domestic slave trade? Sir, this is made the great market dear, to throw herself from the window upon the pavement. for the sale and purchase of human flesh. It is carried on She was shockingly mangled, and lingered a long while in by the sanction of our permission. I have said that the misery. I do not wonder that, in a humane and Christian people of the District are opposed to the continuance of community, such an exhibition should create excitement. slavery here. I had at the last session of Congress the It does not seem to me that the laws of Congress ought to honor to present a petition, signed by more than one thoucherish, or even permit, a system within this District, sand respectable citizens of the ten miles square, setting naturally productive of such scenes. This account shows forth the evils that exist, and praying for the gradual the horror of this traffic, and from this we may infer the abolition of slavery within the District. cruelty that is hid from us in those secret repositories of To give the House a just view of the actual state of misery. There are several of these private prisons within things here, [Mr. M. said] he would read several adver the District-how many, I know not; but, from the informa- tisements from the public prints of this city. They would tion given me, I think the feelings of the House would be show, not only the openness with which the slave dealers touched, could they see the cells, the fetters, and the proceeded, but they would also show that the sale of perchains, they contain, without even a view of the victims that wear them. I hold some account of one of those prisons in my hand, said Mr. M., furnished me by a friend. I cannot read it without mentioning the names of several persons, and, as I wish to give neither pain nor offence to any one, in any thing I say, I will only advert to the matter generally. "We will give cash for one hundred likely young In a series of essays published in a respectable print in Negroes of both sexes, between the ages of eight and the District, in 1827, this subject was treated of. I know of twenty-five years. Persons who wish to sell would do well no motive for exaggeration. Published on the spot where the facts are known, it is fair to presume the picture of the slave trade, as it prevails in the District, is true to the original. Here Mr. M. read from the Alexandria Gazette of June 22, 1827, the following paragraphs: sons, men and women, at public auetion, was a common practice, warranted by our laws, and permitted by the Federal Legislature. [Here Mr. M. read the following advertisements, published in this city:] to give us a call, as the Negroes are wanted immediately. We will give more than any other purchasers that are in market, or may hereafter come into market. Any letters addressed to the subscribers, through the post office at Alexandria, will be promptly attended to. For information, inquire at the subcribers', West end of Duke street, Alexandria, D. C. Dec. 15--w3m FRANKLIN & ARMFIELD." "Some years ago," says our informant, "a colored woman, who had always been treated with kindness by her master, was sold by him to a person in this neighborhood, in order that she might be near her husband, who was also "A Negro Girl for sale.--By virtue of a distrain, I shall sell a slave. In the course of a few years she changed owners for cash to the highest bidder, on Thursday, the 27th instant, several times, and at length fell into the hands of the at 10 o'clock. A. M. at Thomas Lloyd's tavern, near the slave traders, who were making up a company for the Centre Market House, negro girl Margaret, about 14 years Southern market. When these tidings were communi- of age; taken as the property of William Harrison, and cated to her, and she found that she must leave forever all the objects of her affections, to endure a life of misery in a distant land, she could not support the anguish it accasioned, and feil lifeless to the ground. "Scarcely a week passes without some of these wretched creatures being driven through our streets. After having been confined, and sometimes manacled, in a loathsome prison, they are turned out in public view, to take their departure for the South. The children, and some of the women, are generally crowded into a cart or wagon, while the others follow on foot, not unfrequently handcuffed and chained together. To those who have never seen a spectacle of this kind, no description can will be sold to satisfy house rent due in arrears to Thomas Havenner, administrator of John C. Dixon, deceased. MERRIT TARLTON. The above sale is postponed to Thursday next, the 4th give an adequate idea of its horrors. Here you may The above sale is further postponed until Thursday, behold fathers and brothers leaving behind them the dearest objects of affection, and moving slowly along in 1st January, 1829, at the same hour and place, when it the mute agony of despair; there the young mother sob- will positively take place. bing over her infant, whose innocent smiles seem but to increase her misery. From some you will hear the burst of bitter lamentation, while from others the loud hysteric laugh breaks forth, denoting still deeper agony. The District of Columbia is now made the depot for this disgraceful traffic." Dec. 19. MERRIT TARLTON." "Cash! Cash! Cash! And Negroes wanted.-The subscriber will give the highest price, in cash, for likely sound young Negro Men, from sixteen to twenty-five years, provided they can be had in time to be put on board the steamboat Potomac on next Wednesday evening. The JAN. 7, 1829.] Slavery in the District of Columbia. [H. OF R. subscriber can be seen at McCandless' tavern, High street, human wisdom to make them. Suppose a distinguished Georgetown, D. C. Sept. 30. SAM'L J. DAWSON." foreigner, of correct and expanded views, who has listened with interest to the accounts of our republic, and whose “Constable's sale.-In virtue of two writs of fieri facias, resolved to visit us. He leaves the despotic shores of the mind is imbued with the liberal principles of the age, is issued by Israel Little and Bernard Spalding, Esqs. European continent with delight. He prays for impelling justices of the peace for the county of Washington, Dis-gales to waft him to this land of justice and freedom. The trict of Columbia, and to me directed, I shall expose to ten miles square, where the united wisdom and unrestrictpublic sale, on Thursday, the 1st day of December next, ed power of the nation operate-with what elastic hope one two-story house and lot, situate on South D street, and and anxious pleasure does he pursue his way to this city. adjoining to the Eastern Free School; also, all the house- And what objects are here presented to his view? At one hold and kitchen furniture belonging to Edward D. Tip-market he meets a crowd; and, as he passes near, behold pet, two hacks and horses, and a Negro Girl, aged seven-it is a constable exhibiting a woman for sale, subjected to teen years. Seized and taken at the suit of William A. the scoffs and jeers of the unfeeling! He is selling her Smallwood and David Brearley. Sale to commence at 11 o'clock, on the premises. The above sales are postponed to the 13th inst. at the E. BRYAN, Constable." “ Cash in market--And high prices will be given for likely young Negroes. Those wishing to sell, will do well to inquire at McCandless's tavern, in Georgetown, D. C. where they will find a purchaser. Dec. 3. JESSE BERNARD." for a petty debt, under the authority of the sanction of Congress! Well may he exclaim, "the age of chivalry is indeed gone forever!" To remove the painful impression, he takes up a newspaper of the District, and reads "cash in the market, and the highest price" for men and Women. He walks abroad, and sees a gang of slaves and connecting the whole-miserable objects of horror and handcuffed together, a long chain running between them despair, marching off under the command of the slavetraders! What must be his feelings--what his report when he shall return? This District ought to be the best governed in the universe. It is absolutely governed the worst. It "Constable's Sale.-By virtue of two writs of fieri facias, would not be going much too far to say, that there is more issued by Israel Little, a justice of the peace for the coun-crime and more misery here than in any other spot of equal ty of Washington, and to me directed, I shall expose to extent on the globe. In 1826 and '27, there were not less sale, for cash, on Saturday, 30th of December, 1825, at than six hundred and thirty-four persons committed to the the Navy Yard Market House, at 8 o'clock, A. M. one prison in this city for debt! What a horrible state of things Negro Man. Seized and taken as the property of Mrs. must exist, when, in so small a population, more than six Dorothy Wales, to satisfy debts due Edward Semmes and hundred persons, in two years, are deprived of their perWilliam R. Maddox. sonal freedom, and degraded by being thrown into gaol Dec. 24. without pretence of crime. It is shocking! It is apSo that a constable has power, the least responsible of palling! Within the same two years there were no less ficer known to our laws, under our Federal authority, to than three hundred and thirty-four persons committed to set up and sell a man or woman at the public Market this gaol for criminal offences. This is independent of those House. I cannot think [said Mr. M.] that this is right. committed at Alexandria; for there are two public prisons I do not think that these are proper scenes to be exposed in the District. Did any body ever hear of such a thing at the seat of the General Government. Such exhibi- in a Christian and civilized country? It would seem to me tions, some years ago, were presented in New York; and I recollect that the mechanics and merchants of that city formed an association, resolving that they would do no business with an auctioneer who should sell human beings at auction; and an end was put to the practice. ENOCH BRYAN, Constable." that such scenes are calculated greatly to weaken the moral power of the Government, and to impair the just respect in which it should be held by the nations of the earth. The reasons which may be supposed to operate in favor of the continuance of slavery elsewhere, do not exist here. The number is not so great as to present any formidable impediment to the extinction of the evil. Here are no rice lands to cultivate: nothing to be done but what might as well be done, and better, by a free white population, than by slaves. Aside from the injustice and cruelty to individuals, practised under the laws as they now exist, permit me, [said Mr. M.] to consider the subject in a more enlarged and national point of view. We are acknowledgedly the principal republic on the globe. Justice and equal rights are professedly at the foundation of our Government. My intention is to keep within the District; but it may The Congress of the United States, and their proceedings, not be wandering from its interests, if I suggest that, in are viewed with solicitude by intelligent men throughout my opinion, nothing can contribute more to the insecurity the world. Despotism must look with keen desire for our of slave property, than instances of cruelty, shocking to failure: the friends of civil liberty look with not less the moral sense, publicly exhibited; that the South are anxious hope for our prosperity and success. If we fail, therefore interested to put a stop to the slave trade here. the great cause of freedom will be lost forever. As we All that is gained by the introduction of slaves from the succeed, the sacred principles of the rights of man gain North, is more than counterbalanced, I should suppose, by strength and will extend their influence. The people have the ill effects of introducing strangers of unsettled habits, confided to Congress exclusive legislation over ten miles many of them desperate characters, some of them ensquare-a little spot, from which local jealousies and tertaining high notions of independence, and a knowsectional rivalries should alike be excluded. Within this ledge of their power. A third proposition presses upon limit the wisdom and the power of the republic may ope- my mind, and I submit it for consideration. That the frerate with the most unrestricted freedom. Here, it might quent exhibition of scenes of injustice to colored persons fairly be expected, should be exhibited to the nation and within this District, so much frequented by foreigners and to the world a specimen of the purest laws and the most our own countrymen, keeps alive the excitement someperfect legislation. Legal injustice and oppression should times complained of; that, therefore, it is the true policy be unknown within the District. In relation to the moral of the South to permit, without opposition, the abolition power of this Government, in regard to the effect, at home of slavery here. If I mistake not, Louisiana has prohiand abroad, of our example, it would seem to me that we bited the introduction, for sale, of slaves from other States, are called upon by the most weighty considerations to ren- intending to put a stop to the domestic slave trade. A der the laws here as perfect as it is in human power and proposition, having the same object, I have seen it stat |