CHAPTER XII.

Mr. Jackson is nominated a candidate for the chief magistracy. Views of his party. Mr. Adams. Mr. Clay, Mr. Crawford. Mr. Calhoun. Provisions of the constitution. Electoral votes. Table of them. Mr. Buchanan's corruption. Mr. Eaton's opinion of Mr. Jackson. Intercourse of Messrs. Jackson and Buchanan. Mr. Clay's decision.

Mr.

Mr. Jackson now returned to Nashville, where his friends were busy preparing new employments for him. In May, 1822, the legislature of Tennessee nominated him a candidate for the highest office in-the gift of the nation. In the autumn of the same year he was elected a member of the senate, where his situation was peculiarly delicate. At the next session a new tariff was enacted. Jackson's constituents were in favor of it, but the southern States, which were his warmest supporters, considered it a bill of abominations.' As he had come into Congress an avowed friend of the tariff he was obliged to vote for it, but to avoid utterly losing the favor of his southern friends he finally voted for a reduction of the duties on wool and cotton.

When the question, who should succeed president Monroe began to be agitated, party rage ran high; a very strong excitement prevailed throughout the union. Never had such bitterness of feeling toward each other been known among the

9

people of the United States before, and never had the press taken such unbridled license.

The old parties of federalists and democrats had almost ceased to exist, and in their place five new ones had been formed, all agreeing in the same general principles of government. Yet, though without the pretence of any great public good in view, the friends of the several candidates displayed a zeal never before seen in this country, and which has made many judicious men fear for the permanence of our republican institutions.

Military reputation, always more dazzling than any other, had given Mr. Jackson a greater popularity than any other candidate. His pretensions were, indeed, at first regarded with scorn by almost all educated men, but unfortunately the educated do not constitute the majority of this or any other nation. A great many of this class were in time attracted to his side by a corrupt motive. The presses in his favor gave out that he would follow what they pretended was the example of Jefferson, in punishing his friends and rewarding his enemies. In other words, it was expected that he would remove from office all who should oppose his claims, and substitute those who should most promote his election in their places. This gave his party an energy the others wanted, and enlisted on his side many who were dissatisfied with their condition in life.

A doctrine better calculated to subvert civil liberty could not be devised. It strikes at the freedom of the elective franchise, promises corruption a reward and integrity a punishment. It perverts the press from its legitimate purposes, as was seen, for the most shameless and reckless papers

that ever disgraced America, were established all over the country to support Mr. Jackson. The principal of these was the Telegraph, published at Washington. Had the same inducements been held out by the other candidates the evil might have been counteracted in some measure, but such was not the case.

The Jackson newspapers were indefatigable in displaying the military services of their candidate. The battle of New Orleans was their principal theme. If it was asked, 'Is Mr. Jackson a scholar' they answered, 'he won the battle of New Orleans.' If it was said that he had never been distinguished as a lawyer, legislator, statesman or politician, they answered, 'he won the battle of New Orleans.' Against his manifold violations of moral principle, humanity, law and the constitution, they set the battle of New Orleans. In short, his conduct on that occasion was represented as the ne plus ultra of human perfection, as standing in the place of every qualification and as a sufficient atonement for every crime and error of which he had been, or of which human nature might have been capable. This logic was not without its effect, and that a mighty one.

The other candidates were Mr. John Quincy Adams for New England, Messrs. Crawford and Calhoun in the south, and Henry Clay in the west, all of them statesmen of the first order. Mr. Adams had all his life been trained to the duties of the executive department. He had held the office of secretary of state with high reputation under president Monroe; he had long and successfully served his country abroad as a diplomatist; his talents were unquestionable, and

were matched by his knowledge. The chief objection brought against him was,-that he was the son of his father. His election it was urged, would savor too much of hereditary monarchy.

We have nothing to say in favor of the western candidate, Mr. Clay. His name is too intimately connected with his country's glory to need eulogiuin here. His friends were the friends of the system of internal improvement and American manufactures, of which he had ever been the ad

vocate.

Mr. Crawford had been a competitor for the presidency with Mr. Monroe, and stood almost as high in the public esteem as the latter at the time of his election. He had been ambassador at the court of France, in which situation he had done honor to himself and the people he represented. He had also long superintended the treasury with universal approbation. We are not aware that any serious objections were made against him when a candidate, though some have been started since.

Mr. Calhoun was first a distinguished member of Congress, and afterwards head of the war department under Mr. Monroe. His talents could not fairly be questioned, but his political enemies alleged that his political course had been crooked and mysterious. As secretary of war he had not won much honor. Many opined that his plan for organizing the army was injudicious. The way in which he distributed the troops was absurd and extravagant. By sending them to very remote stations, as for example, St. Peters and Council Bluffs, the government incurred enormous expense while no good was attained,

Such were Mr. Jackson's political rivals. Mr. Calhoun did not long stand in his way. It soon became evident that his chance was a nullity, and not to divide the southern interest, his friends gave their suffrages to Mr. Jackson, it being understood that in case he should be elected Mr. Calhoun should be vice-president.

The original provisions of the constitution for the election of the executive officer were as follows. Each State was to choose electors, who were to vote for candidates. The one who had the greatest number of votes was to be president, and the other vice-president. If no one had a majority of votes, or if the suffrages were equally divided between the highest two, the house of representatives were to decide the question, voting by States. In this case he who had the majority of votes was to be president, and he who had the next greatest number to be vice-president. This system wrought very well at the three first elections; general Washington and president Adams, senior, coming in with full votes. At the fourth the case was different; the electors came to no decision, and the claims of Messrs. Jefferson and Burr were of course left to the judgment of the house of representatives. Here the imperfection of the system became manifest. Thirty-six ballotings took place before Mr. Jefferson was chosen, and this scene of difficulty and contention brought about an amendment of the constitution.

The new system required that the electors should designate the office each candidate should hold. If no one had a majority, the house of representatives were to choose one of the highest three for president.