Mr. Dumas, in a recent letter to Franklin, had expressed the warmest approval of the cause of the colonies, and assured him of the general good wishes of Europe; and as he had long resided at the Hague, in the midst of distinguished diplomatists from all quarters of the continent, Franklin gave him a sketch of the existing condition of America, its strength, resources, and prospects; suggested that Congress might find it necessary to seek assistance, or alliances, and requested him to ascertain, if he could, what would be the disposition of the principal European cabinets in regard to such applications, should they be made; urging, at the same time, the importance of circumspection, and pointing out a safe channel of communication. Mr. Dumas undertook the agency proposed, and rendered valuable service throughout the struggle for American independence.

In the spring of 1776, Congress sent Franklin, Charles Carroll, and Samuel Chase, on a mission to Canada, with power to direct the operations of the American forces in that province, and with the hope of inducing the Canadians to unite in the existing struggle for colonial rights. But the mission was fruitless; and when Franklin got back to Philadelphia, early in June, he found Congress occupied with a far more momentous subject. This was the declaration of independence. On this point public opinion was in advance of the action of Congress. This was right. It was wise and just in that body to wait for the clear expression of public sentiment, on so grave a question. But that sentiment had now become fixed, and Congress acted on it promptly. The committee, consisting of Jefferson, Adams, Franklin, Sherman, and Livingston, appointed in June to draw a declaration, reported on the 1st of July; and after a debate of three days, the report, as drawn by Jefferson, with a few clauses modified at the suggestion

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of Franklin and Adams, was, on the 4th, by an almost unanimous vote, adopted, declaring the colonies to be free and independent states.

In the preceding May, Congress had proposed to the several colonies to remodel their own constitutions, to enable them to meet the new exigencies of the country. Accordingly, in July a convention, to frame a constitution for Pennsylvania, met in Philadelphia, and chose Franklin president. Though his labors were divided between his various posts, yet his influence in the convention was weighty, and its ultimate decision in favor of a legislature consisting of one house only, is ascribed to him. His objections to a legislature with two branches. were derived partly from what he had seen of colonial Assemblies and legislative councils under royal governors, and partly from the history of the English Parliament. He did not, perhaps, sufficiently appreciate the difference between a legislature having one of its branches hereditary and constituting a distinct order in the state, and one wholly elective, in a commonwealth exempted from all the influences, direct and indirect, of the hereditary element, as well as from the prerogatives and patronage of a king. At any rate, no other instance of a legislature consisting of a single house has occurred in this country; and when Pennsylvania, at a subsequent period, reconstructed her constitution, she followed the general example.

Shortly after the declaration of independence by Congress, Lord Howe arrived in the bay of New York with a British fleet; and being commissioned, together with his brother, General Howe, to settle the dispute between the two countries, if the colonies would return to their allegiance, he published a manifesto to that effect, and wrote to Franklin, assuring him of his earnest desire to see harmony restored. A short correspondence

ensued between them; and though Howe was not permitted to recognise the authority of Congress, yet, as he communicated his wish to confer with some of its members on the terms upon which existing difficulties might be adjusted, that body, early in September, deputed Franklin, John Adams, and Edward Rutledge, to meet him, to learn the nature and extent of his authority, and to receive such propositions as he might think fit to offer. The meeting took place on Staten Island, and though Lord Howe said much of the disposition of the king and his ministers to listen to the complaints of the colonies and redress their grievances, if they would return to their obedience, yet his propositions were unaccompanied by any distinct pledges of his majesty's good faith, and too vague to be relied on.

Although the interview, in reference to its direct object amounted to nothing, yet, indirectly, the result of it was doubtless important; for the publication of the whole procedure, which was forthwith ordered by Congress, showed the American people how idle it was to expect anything from the voluntary justice of the British government; and that they must look, for the rescue of their liberties, only to their own union, courage, and resources, without which they could neither protect themselves in the outset, nor receive future aid from foreign alliances.

To the means of obtaining such alliances Congress now turned its attention. The commerce of the country was valuable, and with the offer of that on liberal terms, as an equivalent for the assistance needed, a mission to France was determined on. The commissioners first appointed for this purpose, on the 26th of September, were Franklin, Silas Dean, and Thomas Jefferson. The last, however, declined, and Arthur Lee, of Virginia, was put in his place. Mr. Lee and Mr. Dean were