master of the intercontinental ballistic missile and other long-range weapons of warfare. If we could give up our bases with alacrity in Africa, we could do this also in Spain.

The Unitarian Fellowship for Social Justice was heartened by the strong position taken by Senator Humphrey of the Foreign Relations Committee in regard to aid to Latin America. We agree with the Senator from Minnesota that it is of utmost importance that our country show its sympathy and give its aid to the development of cooperatives in the Latin American countries. We cannot, and we should not believe and therefore give our aid-in a straightjacket. We must be aware of the different patterns of economic and social development in other countries, and recognize that we can have a united front against communism and fascism only as we assist those countries which are moving toward democracy, but moving in a direction different from that which was taken by our own 200 years ago.

Because other organizations with which we are affiliated have made such eloquent statements before the Foreign Relations Committee, I will not take the time of the committee and the Senate who I hope will be reading these hearings, to repeat the reasons for supporting the President's program. They are all too obvious to those who are concerned with the future of peace of the world. I would simply like to end my plea for the President's program by quoting from his speech before our conference:

"Freedom is endangered all around the globe, less by massive armies than by massive poverty and discontent."

STATEMENT ON INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT SUBMITTED BY UNITED CHURCH WOMEN, A GENERAL DEPARTMENT OF THE NATIONAL COUNCIL OF CHURCHES OF CHRIST IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

The General Department of United Church Women of the National Council of Churches of Christ in the United States of America wishes to place on the record the following information to supplement the statement presented by Donald C. Stone on behalf of the National Council of Churches of Christ in the U.S.A. on Tuesday, June 20, 1961, at the hearing on international development held by the special committee of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations The General Department of United Church Women is made up of women of the 34 cooperating donominations of the National Council of Churches through 2,300 State and local councils located in 50 States and Washington, D.C. This statement is based on the resolutions adopted at meetings of the national assembly, board of managers, and administrative committee, policymaking bodies composed of elected and appointed representatives of the local and State councils and the cooperating denominations.

GENERAL POSITION

Support for assistance to other countries has been a continuing policy of the United Church Women stemming from their concern for the welfare of others and from their deep sense of Christian responsibility to assist people to help themselves. Believing that among the most urgent problems facing the world today are poverty, disease, ignorance, and hunger, they have given special support to measures and programs, governmental and nongovernmental, to promote economic development to deal with and to improve conditions of living. Special emphasis has been placed on assistance to women and children and on training programs that will enable leaders to assist their own people to establish better conditions of living. Assistance has been considered to be in the nature of a partnership with each contributing toward the achievement of common goals.

SOME BASIC CONCERNS

Over a period of years there has been a study of areas of rapid social change and our Christian responsibility to those areas. Certain basic principals have been repeatedly stated which it is hoped will be developed through the new proposed Act for International Development. Special attention is directed toward the following:

1. Long-term development assistance: In April 1956, the board of managers stated, "We recommend that Congress enact a foreign aid bill which will provide

$1

billion a year in loans and grants for economically underdeveloped areas for a minimum period of 5 years and further recommend that Congress pass a resolution of moral commitment for a period of 5 years to continue such aid." This position was reaffirmed in 1957 by the board of managers when it was asked that a foreign aid program of new dimensions be adopted in order to strengthen the foundations of lasting peace.

In 1860 our emphasis on a long-term attack on poverty and assistance was asked to promote economic growth in the low income areas. This year again attention was drawn to continuing programs of social and economic development, especially in Latin America. Top priority was asked in planning technical cooperation programs for Latin America to the needs of the people for better standards of living and increased opportunities for education. Local councils were urged to take note of the change of emphasis to long-term programs and asked "to help create the understanding for greatly increased and continuing assistance to meet human need in the developing areas of the world."

2. Separation of economic assistance from defense aid; The national assembly In 1953 "urged the Government of the United States✶✶✶ to make aid to other nations independent of their military or economic commitments to the United States and dependent only on their need and their agreement to cooperate in making U.S. technical assistance available to their peoples." This position has been repeatedly endorsed and statements made to this committee in previous years asking that consideration be given this position in developing the U.S. foreign aid program.

3. Maximum use of agencies for multilateral aid: Since 1952 it was recommended that economic aid "be channeled increasingly through the United Nations. Our proper share of the appropriations necessary to insure success of the United Nations technical assistance programs" has been asked. At our last national assembly "support for the United Nations Special Fund for Economic Development" was approved with the endorsement of the International Development Association by the administrative committee this past year.

4. The recruitment and training of qualified personnel: One of the first statements related to foreign aid, made by the board of managers in 1952, included reference to the problem of personnel. The board asked "that great care be exercised in the selection and training of personnel for the program" to the end that they may have a dedication of spirit and an understanding and appreciation of the people with whom they are working. "This subject was discussed at the last national assembly with support voted for the U.N. administrative services and a request that there be exploration of the possibility of establishing a world training center to prepare people for international service."

PROGRAM FOR STUDY AND ACTION

So that churchwomen may understand problems of the developing areas, each year there is a study of a particular question or area of the world presented by United Church Women as part of the nationwide observance of World Community Day. This year the emphasis is on the need for opportunities for education with the theme "Freedom To Know." Particular problems of Latin America will be studied using our own pamphlet, "Education, Women and the Church in the Americas." In connection with our study, women are sewing school outfits, making schoolbags, and collecting school supplies to be sent to Latin America through Church World Service of the National Council of Churches. In support of the program to increase educational opportunities, funds will be collected to train women leaders from Peru, Chile, and Brazil in the field of adult education so they may help develop the expanding program of the churches to assist their members to be more responsible Christian citizens. Related to our own study program there will be consideration of national and international programs of economic assistance and the participation of the United States in these programs. The awareness of our members of their responsibility as citizens and as Christians stirs special interest in the adoption and effective implementation of a long-range program of international economic development.

INDUSTRIAL UNION DEPARTMENT,
Washington, D.C., June 23, 1961.

Hon. J. WILLIAM FULBRIGHT,

Chairman, Foreign Relations Committee,
Senate Office Building,

Washington, D.C.

DEAR SENATOR FULBRIGHT: The Industrial Union Department, AFL-CIO, strongly endorses the principle of putting foreign economic aid on a long-term basis as provided in S. 1983. On behalf of the department, I want to express our appreciation of your personal advocacy of such action.

Aid to new, developing countries too often has concentrated upon some real or temporary political advantage rather than upon basic projects contributing to sound long-term development. A more sound approach would look to producing improvement in the lives of the masses of the peoples. This will require that relatively more of the aid shall be channelled into the building of educational systems, public health programs, roads, basic utilities, improved agriculture based upon viable family farm holdings and broad scope programs of land reform.

Such programs presuppose a continuity in our aid programs. Nations confronted with exploding populations-as is the case in many of the new Asian nations and in Latin America-can safely undertake investment in basic longterm health and utilities programs only if they are assured that essential outside support will be available on a continuing basis.

In India alone, there will be 100 million new mouths to be fed in the sixties; to approach the problem of this Nation from any other than a continuing aid basis is patently absurd. Indian economic experience of the past decade demonstrates that despite all the great problems of that nation, planning for longterm economic development can be successful, and of great importance, in a democratic setting.

Those people who sometimes feel discouraged by the tasks confronting us in our relations with the new countries can take comfort from what has been happening in India. Despite great increases in population, under its first two 5-year plans production and income have risen sharply. A strong foundation has been laid for great economic progress in the decade ahead. Large numbers of workers have been trained in technical skills, health conditions have been vastly improved, agricultural know-how is spreading and an important capital foundation has been laid down. It is now estimated that national income in India may advance as much as 4 or 5 percent per year under its new 5-year plan.

The very size of India makes it important for the entire free world; it also shows that this job can be done if effective long-term planning is carried on by the developing country itself with the assurance that it will be backed up with the necessary amount of long-term support from the developed nations of the world. As one student of this subject has recently remarked, India is "a special kind of test case for the West. If we can manage this one, we should be able to deal with the rest."

Indeed as we look ahead even to the period spanned in this proposed legislation, our feeling is that it errs by understating what is necessary in foreign aid. Despite the notable efforts made during the fifties, the income gap between the developed and the underdeveloped nations generally, actually widened. It is not that the underdeveloped nations did not progress; indeed, as Mr. Paul Hoffman, Managing Director of the U.N. Special Fund has noted, income in the underdeveloped countries rose about 3 percent per year. But, as Mr. Hoffman also points out, population increase in these nations cut the actual per capita progress to only 1 percent. Mr. Hoffman and others have suggested that to raise this per capita income in the underdeveloped countries an additional 1 percent per year in the decade of the sixties will require additional capital support of $3 billion

per year.

The longer we delay in meeting this problem effectively, the greater it be comes. We have already referred to the great population increase occurring in many of the countries of Asia. Fortunately we are not yet confronted with the same population pressures in Africa. But as modernization and development proceed in the many new countries on that continent, some great increases in population also appear to be inevitable. If we do not being to meet the aid needs of the new countries more fully today, these problems will become compounded in the next 5 or 10 years.

While the proposed program under S. 1983 merits everyone's strong support, we must also search for ways and means of encouraging an additional flow of aid from this and other industrial nations of the world. In our own case it is argued that despite our high standards and our wealth, we cannot afford to increase foreign economic aid. The present unfavorable balance of payments situation is now cited as the prime evidence that we cannot even afford current aid programs let alone to increase them.

It is patently absurd to say that the wealthiest nation of the world cannot afford foreign aid. What has been lacking is the institutional means of accelerating aid without running afoul of the foreign payment situation. It is to this aspect of the question that we feel your committee and the executive departments of Government, having responsibility in this field, should turn their ingenuity and imagination in the period immediately ahead.

It is obvious, for example, that as a nation we are blessed with the greatest food producing ability in the history of mankind. We must link this great food producing capacity with the pressing needs of the many underdeveloped nations who have not yet been able to mobilize their great human resources in the job of economic development primarily for lack of food resources.

The Chinese Communists have turned to the conscription of millions of people in the countryside as a means of mobilizing their human resources. Surely we in the free world can take advantage of our great wealth producing ability to accomplish the same mobilization of resources with democratic methods instead of conscription.

By the same token, we must devise means of using our vast excess industrial capacity to add to the flow of foreign economic aid. At a time when virtually all of the developing nations are short of construction steel for building projects of all types, machine tools for their new industries, and trucks for transport, we have large pools of idle machines and skilled manpower in the very industries which produce these goods. Putting our people back to work and making these factories productive can provide important new aid to the new nations, and this can be done without involving us in balance-of-payments difficulties.

To repeat, we heartily endorse this legislation as far as it goes but we believe that we must find the means to increase the volume of aid in the years ahead. Putting our aid program on a long-term basis, however, is only part of our problem. This aid must be planned and administered with social vision and vigor which all too often has been lacking in the past.

Insufficient attention has been given by our aid administrators to the entire field of agricultural reform. Those who administer our aid programs must clearly give a greater priority to this area. They must be prepared, for instance, to encourage the establishment of rural credit cooperatives to help break the traditional hold of the rural money lenders which so severely hinders agricultural development in many of these countries. The striking success of such programs in Japan where rural credit can now be obtained by peasants at onefifth or even one-tenth of what it costs in other Asian nations is an example of the great possibilities here. Programs of land, credit, and marketing reform can lead to major increases in food production in many of these nations, and we must be prepared to assist in such programs.

We urge that the Congress and the administration both be aware of the need to include a sound labor program in this new aid effort. It is sometimes thought that a free trade union movement is an embarrassment or hindrance to the process of economic development in a new country. This is nonsense. Unless we assume that totalitarian methods, including labor conscription, are the only ones that will work, we must recognize that some labor protest is inevitable in the process of economic development. Free trade unions offer the hope that such protest and the desire of the masses of workers to participate actively in the process of development can take a constructive channel. In the absence of constructive alternatives there will also surely be protest, but it is apt to be of an extremist and violent nature. It is for these reasons and in recognition of the fact that a viable and stable democratic society is not possible without an effectively functioning trade union movement that we call attention to this aspect of the aid program.

Sincerely yours,

WALTER P. REUTHER, President.

STATEMENT OF FELIX M. PUTTERMAN, NATIONAL LEGISLATIVE DIRECTOR, JEWIS WAR VETERANS OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, RE S. 1983

The Jewish War Veterans of the United States of America, the Nation oldest active war veterans organization, at its 65th national convention la August, adopted a resolution supporting the expansion of the mutual securi and technical assistance programs. Consistent with this expression, mo especially in light of current international developments, the Jewish War Veters urges the enactment into law by the Congress of the United States of Preside Kennedy's foreign-aid proposals, as incorporated in the Act for Internation Development of 1961 and the International Peace and Security Act of 1961. Thi endorsement of the President's program is motivated primarily by the in exorable and urgent demands of our national security.

The theme for this decade has been sounded by the somber notes of apprehen sion and frustration over the emergence of a Cuban satellite as well as the re playing, on an even shriller scale, of Khrushchev's improvisations of an old unfortunately too familiar tune. The search for peace has been cruelly sabotaged. Perhaps in the total history of mankind the conversation at Vienna may leave as serious an impression as its predecessor of a century and a half, the Congress of Vienna. What to us as an organization dedicated to enlightened patriotism has become patently evident and thoroughly clear is that United States must improve and further fortify the posture of its national security if it is, in fact, to survive as a free nation. Not only does this situation require a sufficiency of military force, advanced weaponry, and a meaningful civil defense, but it demands an enlightened national policy of aid to encourage the growth of social, economic, and moral strength in the independent nations necessary to stiffen their resistance to the false yet enticing attractions of the Communist world.

While there are moral considerations powerful enough to move God-fearing men to support heavy foreign-aid expenditures, of necessity, here, the Jewish War Veterans confines this statement to perhaps the most significance aspect in the current crucial conflict. That question is simply-who will survive; for victory will mean only that, i.e., survival. To this end, our national security requirements may in great part be met by the quality and quantity of material aid provided by us to our allies and potential allies. No price should be too great for the survival of freedom.

Too many of us forget the bitterness and divisiveness prevailing in many areas of American life during the early fifties as a consequence of the Korean war. Too many Americans were troubled by this strange business of fighting someone else's war, thousands and thousands of miles from home. A review of the unhappy record points up the reluctance of many of our people to understand what is at stake in the far off southeast Asian jungles and rice paddies. Would the same hold true next door in Latin America? These are serious problems that go to the inner being of our society. We of the Jewish War Veterans, in our willingness to make any sacrifice deemed necessary to further the cause of freedom, take the position that an intelligently planned long-range foreign-aid program is the minimal to which our people must respond in our total mobilization for the preservation and development of a free society.

For unless Americans are prepared to accept the regimentation of total military mobilization resulting from our existence in an otherwise completely Communist world, ours is the obligation to mount a massive foreign aid program, no matter how expensive, that will be powerful enough to turn the tides of change toward a society of free choice rather than one of compulsion. To accomplish this will require not the restrictions and arbitrary controls of wartime nor, more important, the lives and limbs of our youth and the physical devastation of all that is dear; rather it means the less costly but exhaustive use of all that is finest in our national character. Self control, mutual confidence, generosity, faith and dedication to the national purpose is what will be demanded of each of us. Initially, these great human attributes are placed under great strain in the consideration of the submitted program by the Congress. Clearly what is not threatened is our system of the balance of power between branches of the Government Committee chairmen, jealous of prerogative, have a splendid opportunity to set an example for their colleagues, as well as their constituents. Senators and Congressmen galled by first-hand observations of past weaknesses in aid programs should suggest improvements in the expanding programs necessitated by our growing concern for developments in every corner of the globe.