will be permitted towards its establishment. However pure the intention of England might be, the possible consequences of its direct interference in the affairs of Greece, will unite the continent against her. And the object of her interference, however valuable, is not such as to warrant a great risk.

By what means, then, is the independence of Greece to be effected? By the protection of Russia? this has been the bugbear of politicians from the days of Catharine to the present. Greece once in the hands of Russia-Constantinople will follow. What then? the march of history has been teaching us in vain, if we fancy that St. Petersburgh and Constantinople will continue in one hand. Contrasted in climate, manners, morals, tastes, and wants, both would be commercial cities, with commercial interests diametrically opposed. The same war which might be unimportant or advantageous to one, would probe the other to the quick. Each the head of a viceroyalty, a pachalik, an archduchy, or any other titular government, call it what you will, St. Petersburgh and Constantinople must still remain capitals-and like two great weights, would break the slender balance that connects them, and fall asunder. History affords not even the resemblance of such a permanent connection-and a thousand instances of unsuccessful attempts. If Constantinople were unable to remain in the same hands with Rome, it is ten times more impossible for her to be united to St. Petersburgh.

But as long as this terror of Russian omnipotence remains, Greece must be secured by other means. It must be either by general mediation, or her own unassisted efforts.

Greece has several singular advantages in this struggle, which have not been generally remarked. A great branch of the revenue of Turkey arose from the capitation tax, or literally, the annual ransom which was paid by its Christian subjects for the privilege of wearing their heads a year longer. So ample a source of wealth was this, that it has more than once been the only argument which has prevented a general massacre of the Christians in Turkey.* The mere contest itself cuts off this supply. Besides this, it need hardly be repeated, the Turkish navy was almost exclusively navigated by Greeks; so that the Porte is deprived of two powerful weapons at the very moment she wants them most. And she is not only deprived of them, but they remain in the hands of her enemies. Her loss is quadruple; what she loses they gain. The last-mentioned fact is the obvious reason why the Greeks with such inferior numbers have generally baffled the Turks at sea. At land, the main force of the Otto

*It was used, if we recollect rightly, by the famous Gazi Hassan. Eton's Survey.

man army has always consisted in her admirable cavalry. The nature of Greece prevents the operation of cavalry.

What then is the probability that Greece will be able singlehanded to fight out her own independence? The greater part of the present campaign has unhappily witnessed only the advance of the Pacha of Egypt's forces in the Morea. But at the period at which we now write, reports have reached us-too numerous, and from too many quarters, and too accordant, to be false of a happy reaction. Colocotroni has been released from the control to which his equivocal conduct had subjected him— and however unprincipled it be, it is hoped that his interest alone will persuade him to use the talents and influence which he certainly possesses, to save his unhappy country and his own reputation. The Greeks are still strong at sea. Their vessels are peculiarly adapted to the narrow seas they have to fight in. They are brigs, carrying from eight to twenty guns. The greatest muster was in the first year of the revolt, consisting of one hundred and sixteen sail-all private property. The commerce of the islands has of course been crippled. Their vessels have been turned into ships of war-but in other respects insurrection has been found hardly more expensive than submission. The islands of Hydra contributed annually in the way of taxes, presents, and extortions 20,000 dollars to her late masters; since the revolt, a year's expenditure in "the cause" has amounted to 30,000 dollars.

However the regeneration of Greece be effected, by force or mediation-and the last seems now most probable the great question mooted over Europe, is the form and nature of her future government. Those who have called loudest for a republic, forget that Greece stands in a situation in which no country in the world has ever stood. The precedents of antiquity, and modern examples, are inapplicable to her. More circumscribed in extent than her neighbours, she has on one side a range of formidable powers, in all the strength of military science and modern civilization, each of whom would willingly swallow her in ostensible protection; and on the other side her ancient tyrant, in unprogressive stupidity, ready to snatch, not the first cause of dispute, but the first opportunity of weakness, to reclaim his slaves, and once reclaimed-to render them for ever incapable of future revolt. A sketch of the effects to which different forms of government are peculiarly adapted, will make it plain immediately, what the choice of Greece should be.

When a nation is bent on foreign conquest-when she wishes to diverge from her centre, her powers must be intrusted to the hands of many, she must have a restless emulation among her

citizens-a commonwealth. If she turns her attention inwards, content with her integrity, and willing to improve and ensure it, her forces will concentrate, and, under whatever name, she must have a monarchy in effect. Rome under kings must have stood still. "Il devoit arriver de deux choses l'une; ou que Rome changeroit son gouvernement, ou qu'elle resteroit une petite et pauvre monarchie." (Montesq. Gr. des Rom. ch. i.) Her republican powers spread over the earth. When nothing was left to conquer, her powers were again concentrated under the emperors; when the progress of man again gave her enemies from the north and the east, her forces were again divided, and when Constantine united the powers of the six emperors in himself and strove against nature, the empire fell asunder and was dismembered. History is full of similar examples. Alexander's conquest was but a rocket thrown from west to east, which burst into a hundred pieces when the first impelling force was spent. For an extension of territory a republic is best adapted. For a settled and established state, a monarchy. No one will pretend that the óbject of Greece is the former.

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After all, where are the boasted liberties of a republic, which a monarchy has not? are not rights as sharply defined, and is not property as accurately preserved in the latter? Ask those who throw up their arms and shout out for a republic in Greece, what more they want than a monarchy contains? Nothing but the name-the name! Prince Mavrocordato was content to have a constitution in substance, " et M. le Colonel (Stanhope) ne paraît courir qu'après son ombre." Mr. Waddington is far above these verbal babbles. "If," says he, "I could ensure for them the reality of independence, I would not dispute very obstinately about the name: the thing once obtained, the name follows as a matter of course." (p. 158.) It was well enough for Rome to perpetuate her sacred horror of kings, and permit her emperors to establish a despotism, when the whole population would have risen had they added the cursed three letters to their title; but in these days, when the nature of government is so well understood, it is ignorance or prejudice to suppose that monarchy, one whit more than a republic, is literally the μávov ápxy.

A federative republic has been suggested for Greece. There is far too much clannishness already. At Hydra, Mr. Waddington says there is a feeling purely Hydriote, and it operates nearly equally against all the world; and, in fact, if there be any people whom the Hydriotes hate as a people, it is their brother Albanians and neighbours, the Spezziotes and Crenidiotes." (p. 104.) In Greece" in this singular land, every man's country is his own city, or his own mountain, or his own rock; and to these his mere

patriotism, as separated from his interest, is almost entirely confined; and he appears even to detest every thing beyond them. Islanders abuse Moraites, and Moraites calumniate islanders, while many districts in the Morea, and many isles in the Egean, have their subdivisions of animosity." (p. 110.) No well-wisher to Greece can wish that feeling to remain. It is the very poison of confidence, and therefore of commerce. A federative republic is the very form to foster and exasperate the distemper. Greece must look to commerce as her prop. She must look to be the connecting link in trade, as she is in situation, between Europe, Africa, and Asia; and whatever interferes with this, interferes with her real interest.

ART. II.-The Miscellaneous Writings of John Evelyn, Esq. F.R.S. &c. Now first collected, with occasional Notes, by William Upcott. 4to. London, 1825.

FEW, if any similar publications of our own days, more strongly attracted public attention on their first appearance, or are likely to retain a more permanent station in our National Literature, than the Diary and Correspondence of John Evelyn. In this work we were introduced to the private hours and the domestic intercourse of a name which had been long valued and highly honoured, and the honour and the value of which increased in proportion as the familiarity of our acquaintance was permitted to become closer. In duty to his God, in loyalty to his Sovereign, in love to his Country, in benevolence to all Mankind, there are few on record who can pretend to rival this amiable and highminded English gentleman; and richly and variously as his intellect was cultivated, large as were his acquirements, discursive as were his powers, not even the splendour of these has contributed so much to his reputation, as the goodly ends to which they were applied. What evil he might restrain, or what useful purpose he might effect, appear to have been the first questions. which he asked himself on sitting down to composition; and be his vein, "grave or gay," "lively or severe," the promotion of good is the ultimate goal to which his steps are always directed. Neither for this purpose was it only on subjects which of themselves confer dignity on him who essays to treat them that Evelyn's pen was employed. We meet him, it is true, as the champion of the Religion upon which Fanaticism had trampled, and of the Government which Treason had uprooted. We find him improving the Agriculture, and providing for the future Naval greatness by which his Country, in our own times, has become arbitress of the destinies of the World. Nor less is he to be regarded as civilizing his

contemporaries in their taste for the finer Arts. In Painting, Sculpture, Engraving, and Architecture, he was himself equally competent and willing to give instruction to the practical artist. But besides these higher objects, slight as some may deem the Tapépya to which he dedicated his subsecival hours, even these are marked by his pervading spirit of benevolence. The citizen could not hesitate to express lively gratitude to the writer who sought how to relieve him from the dingy and unwholesome atmosphere, which he was condemned to inhale; and the peaceful lover of the country garden would gladly listen to those precepts which taught him how to add another herb to his salad, or to shelter an additional shrub in his conservatory.

The Editor of the volume before us has brought into one body the numerous minor brochures (as they would now be called) of this kind, which Evelyn from time to time threw to the world; and which, while dispersed, were of rare occurrence, and known, for the most part, only to bibliomaniacs. Our task is little more than to inform our readers of the chief contents of this collection, and occasionally to let the originals tell in their own language how worthy they are of complete perusal.

It was not till his twenty-ninth year that Evelyn appeared before the public as an author, and his coup d'essai was prompted by a noble daring which sufficiently declared the unshaken firmness both of his political principles and of his courage. A few days only before the murder of the unhappy Charles, at a time when men's hearts were failing them for fear of the tyranny with which they were beset, and even the boldest shrank from an open avowal of monarchical feeling, he published a translation of an Essay by De la Mothe Vayer, On Liberty and Servitude; the scope and object of which, as it is explained in the following paragraph, must have been sufficiently offensive to the Regicides; and indeed is proved to have been so, by a MS. note in his own copy, "I was like to be call'd in question by the rebells for this booke, being published a few days before his majesty's decollation."

“TO HIM THAT READES.

"This free subject, coming abroad in these licentious times, may happily cause the world to mistake both the Author and the Translator, neither of whom by LIBERTY do understand that impious impostoria pila, so frequently of late exhibited and held forth to the people, whilst (in the meane time) indeed, it is thrown into the hands of a few private persons. By FREEDOME is here intended that which the Philosopher teacheth us: Nulli rei servire, nulli necessitati, nullis casibus, fortunam in æquum deducere, &c. not that Platonique chimæra of a State, no where existant save in UTOPIA.

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Verily, there is no such thing in rerum naturd as we pretend unto : seeing, that whilst we beare about us these spoiles of mortality, and