fying the minds of the common people *. But as one man's good is another man's evil (which, by the way, renders equal liberty an impossibility in nature), great disapprobation was also to be apprehended. If there was a design to introduce a French Government, and that design was in any forwardness, and Thomas Bull happened to come across with his Letter just at the critical time to intercept, it; gentlemen who were well inclined to such a government would be a little ruffled and discomposed. The defeat arising from that, and other co-operating causes, would add to their former malignity the rage of disappointment.

It was easy to foresee, that for the use of any religious argument, it might be objected to Thomas Bull, that he revives the Doctrines concerning government, which (as some would have it) were given up at the Revolution in

It is supposed, that, in the English and Welsh Languages, two hundred thousand copies were dispersed; and that by a multitude of Editors; amongst whom there was one Dissenter, if not more, who printed it without correcting or curtailing it, as some other persons did; who would probably have done more good to the Public, and acquired more honour to themselves, if they had stood their ground. Other Gentlemen, of the same good intention with themselves, did so; and found themselves able to maintain it.

1688.

1688. But Mr. Burke hath very ably and very seasonably taught us, that the Revolution of that time did not alter the hereditary government of this kingdom, but left laws and doctrines as sacred as they were before. The Revolution in France hath abolished them all: it is treason there to cry God save the King: If it were so here, our theatres would be as guilty as our churches. We are still a Christian Nation, and may talk and reason, may say or sing, as if we were so; till the time shall come, which Heaven avert, when we shall be allowed neither to speak nor to write, but at the will of such despots as have taken away the liberty of the press in France. When a government is to be overturned, the licentious use of the press is demanded; but when it is overturned, the press is strictly guarded, and printers are hanged up, lest it be overturned again; and then we see at last what patriots meant by the Liberty of the Press. If we assert any alliance between the Powers of Earth and the Powers of Heaven, we must expect to be accused of setting up an indefeasible divine right; a sort of right not to be found in the Bible, but by those who can see farther than Thomas Bull. He is indeed very plainly taught, that the Most High ruleth

in

in the kingdom of men; but he knows better than to expect that any statesman, as such, will second him in the application; because this is an article of doctrine, not a rule of government. Every good government supposes it; but no government immediately acts upon it; till it maintains, with the fanatics of the last century, that grace and dominion go together. How much worse than these are the fanatics of the present time; who do not act under God by mistake, but against God by profession!

It was also apprehended, that such of our Dissenters, as had been notoriously active in spreading the doctrines of Thomas Pain; and who keep up an interest against the Church, not for conscientious scruples, but for political purposes, would be stung when they were reminded of any share they might have in the troubles of America, out of which proceeded the troubles of France: and exclaim against the suggestion as a libel upon the whole body. But such an interpretation is reckoned very uncandid in all other cases of the kind; and has not been insisted upon by those among them, who, if the reflection were general, would have reason to be offended. When it is said, that the outrages at Birmingham were committed by the Churchmen, it would

be

be very unjust to apply this to the whole body of the Church of England; the peaceable and pious members of which disclaim and abhor such violent and illegal proceedings. If Dr. Priestley had offended against the laws and the peace of his country, he should have been punished by the law. That his adversaries should act in such a manner as to expose themselves to punishment instead of him, was probably the very thing he wished for; that with some show of reason, he who had so indiscreetly acted for his oren party, might cast the blame of it upon other people. It would be a long question, if we were to go into the origin and causes of the troubles in America, most of which, however, are pretty well known: and I hear of a very respectable gentleman, who has by him in manuscript a series of small pieces, composed at the time, and upon the spot, in which they are faithfully noted and laid open. As nothing of the kind has yet appeared, it is pity these pieces have been so long kept from the eye of the public. That some of the Dissenters had a large share in those troubles cannot be denied; because they have claimed the honour of it; and surely it would be inconsistent, if not ridiculous, to repel as an accusation what has been publicly boasted

4

boasted of as a merit. The words of Dr. Priestley in his discourse at the funeral of Dr. Price, are very remarkable, and decisive upon the case. "So ardent was his zeal for the natural rights of men, and so forcibly and effectually did he

plead the cause of liberty, civil and religious, "that no inconsiderable proportion of the hu"man race acknowlege his writings to have "been of eminent use to their attainment of "those great blessings: and the most august

assembly in the world, by which I wish to be "understood the national assembly of France, "have justly styled him the Apostle of Liberty." p. 8. To his apostolical labours the blessings in America are here imputed by Dr. Priestley. But then it happened unfortunately, that their blessings were our troubles: and when he imputes blessings, and we impute troubles, to the same cause, we are agreed as to the fact, and only view the same subject on a different side. Thus it is in respect to the affairs of France: what to us is rebellion to them is the sovereignty of the people; and what to us is an attempt to restore the constitution, to them is rebellion; the only sort of rebellion now remaining in the world: where we see massacre, they see deliverance; what we call anarchy, they call government;

and