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cant that, in the one instance in which the authors of the Constitution declined of set purpose to apply their political wisdom to a subject which they knew to be all-important, the result was the bloodiest and costliest war of modern times.

Let me repeat the points which I trust I have done something towards establishing. The Constitution of the United States is a modified version of the British Constitution; but the British Constitution which served as its original was that which was in existence between 1760 and 1787. The modifications introduced were those, and those only, which were suggested by the new circumstances of the American Colonies, now become independent. These circumstances excluded an hereditary king, and virtually excluded an hereditary nobility. When the American Constitution was framed, there was no such sacredness to be expected for it as before 1789 was supposed to attach to all parts of the British Constitution. There was every prospect of political mobility, if not of political disorder. The signal success of the Constitution of the United States in stemming these tendencies is, no doubt, owing in part to the great portion of the British institutions which were preserved in it; but it is also attributable to the sagacity with which the American statesmen filled up the interstices left by the inapplicability of certain of the then existing British institutions to

the emancipated colonies. This sagacity stands out in every part of the "Federalist," and it may be tracked in every page of subsequent American history. It may well fill the Englishmen who now live in fæce Romuli with wonder and envy.

INDEX.

ABSOLUTISM

BSOLUTISM, 169

AB

America, U.S. of, revolution in,
18; Government of, 18, 211; sta-
bility of, 18; universal suffrage
in, 34, 51; results of industry in,
50; oppression of the weak, 51;
corruption in, 103; party system
dependent on corruption, 104;
democracy tolerable in, 110; cha-
racteristics of, 196; extent and
population, 196; jealousy of Great
Britain in bygone years, 206;
British King and his relations to,
209, 211; War of Secession, 111,
a war of Revolution, 18, 244; in-
fluence of Patent laws, 247; railway
incorporations, 248
American Constitution, English ori-
gin, 11, 60, 207, 218, 224, 230, 253;
compared with British, 54; its
characteristics, 67, 202; safeguards
of, 110, 120, 218, 235, 240, 242;
Articles of the Constitution of New
York, 121; and of Ohio, 122; and
of Massachusetts, 122; origin of
the Senate, 179, 186, 211, 226
sqq., 250; its importance, 196, 226;
prospects of, 197; its rise and pro-
gress, 199, 205; its success, 202;
its framers, 205, 216, 249; its
institutions described, 211; Minis-
ters have no seat in the Legislature,
213 (see President); Supreme Court,
217; its success, 223; Congress,
224; House of Representatives,
211, 230; differs from British, 233,
245; its forty Standing Commit-
tees, 234; amendments of, 242 sqq.;
abolition of slavery, 244, 252

BOURGET

Arana, referred to, 19 n
Aristocracy, influence of, 42; Austin's
opinion of, 56; compared with
democracy, 61, 66, 79, 188; and
party disputes, 101; does not exist
in Russia and Turkey, 181
Armies, their relation to popular go-
vernments, 22; their control of
governments, 23; tyranny of, in
France, 200

Athens, democracy in, 9; really an
aristocracy, 42, 74

Austin, John, his plea for the Consti-
tution, 56, 164; on democracy, 70;
a follower of Bentham, 165

BAC

ACON, Church's Life of, cited, 77
Bagehot, Mr., on the Cabinet, 213
Ballot, 106

Bancroft on democracy, 68, 77, 79
Belgium, electoral experiment in, 109
Bentham, J., on the Turkish Govern-
ment, 48; criticised by Austin, 56;
admirer of democracy, 82; his
school, 84, 152, 165; flaws in his
theory, 84; his views of human
nature, 85; ignorance of history,
86; scheme of law-reform, 146,
162, 167; influence on Parliament,
148;
his Radicalism, 152, 162;
compared with Rousseau, 163
Blaine, Mr., referred to, 104
Bolivia, Republic of, 19
Bonapartes, the, 15, 147; as re-
formers, 65; destroyed military
tyranny, 200

Bourget, Paul, on modern French
society, 189 n

BRIGHT

Bright, Mr., narrow view of history,

79

Brissot on property, 75

British Constitution, the, duration of,
53, 81; envied by other nations, 54,
136; Alexander Hamilton's idea,
102, 209; contradictory opinions
of, 112; changes in, 119, 149, 240;
violence of discussion about, 124;
Bentham's views, 162, 165; Aus-
tin's, 165 n; pattern of the Ameri-
can (q. v.), 207 sqq.; Montesquieu's
and Madison's views, 219; differ-
ence from American, 233, 245;
legislation under, its dangers, 210
Broglie, Duc de, quoted, 216
Broughton, Lord, memoirs of, referred
to, 115 n

Burke, Edmund, change in his views
on the Constitution, 172

CABINET, British, power and func-

tions of, 114, 149, 237; Mr.
Bagehot's views of, 213
Canning quoted, 200
Carlyle cited, 2

Caucus, the, 93, 102, 106

Chambers, First and Second, 176
sqq., 209; Mr. Freeman's views,
224
Change, passion for, 132; a modern
growth, 134; limited to Politics,
136; not inherent in women, 139;
or mankind generally, 132, 146,
170

Charles the Great, a great reformer,
66

Charles X. and the Revolution, 72
Chesterfield's Letter on French Revo-
lution, 1

Chinese, their hatred of change, 132;
progress of, 192

Civilisation, Western, 134, 143
Commons, House of, powers, 118,
221; compared with House of
Representatives, 230; its executive
power, 232, 235

Community, the, theories of, 8; its
relation to government, 9, 83, 86,
179, 210; insecurity of its power,
21; belief in the enlightenment of,
36; in the East and West, 145;
formation and powers of, according

DEMOCRACY

to Rousseau, 156, 158, 166; affected
by Reform, 169, 171
Congress in United States, 224
Conservatism, a mischievous form of,

produced by Radicalism, 35: inhe-
rent in large portion of the human
race, 133; in women, 140
Constitution (vide also British; Ame-
rican), historical and à priori, 171;
350 said to have sprung up in pre-
sent century, 174; dangers and diffi-
culties. 175; popular element in,
178, 184; the French, 220
"Contrat Social," the, of Rousseau,
155

Corruption, influence of, 102; in
America, 104; in France, 105;
comparative freedom of England,
105; in Senate of United States,
251

Corsica, Rousseau's saying concern-
ing, 167

Cromwell, referred to, 26, 81, 135
Crown, British, power of, 113, 117,
213, 232; right of, 173; relation
to American colonies, 209, 212

DE

and

ELEGATES
Representa-
tives, 94; idea of, repudiated in
Russia, 8
Democracy, ascendency of, 5; defi-
nition of the word, 6, 59, 76; in-
stances of instability, 20, 71; chief
rights of, 22; political power in,
29; influence of party feeling (9. ".)
in, 33; opposition to science, 37,
190; in Switzerland, 39; Mr. Grote's
theories, 39; the Athenian, 42, 74;
Austin's opinion of, 56; in France,
M. Scherer's book, 57; a particular
form of Government, 59, 70, 87;
compared with monarchy, 60, 66,
83, 86, 188; its virtues and vices,
64, 87, 109; false ideas of, 68 897.;
opinion of Bancroft, 68; of Sir W.
Lawson, 69; conflicting ideas of,
72; in England, 81; principal
argument against, 86; adjudicating,
91; not a progressive form of
government, 97; its inherent diffi-
culties, 98, 184; power of gene-
ralities in, 108; expectations of,
129; regarded as inevitable, 131,

DEMOCRATIC

169; Rousseau's views of natural
rights, 158 sqq.; distinct from re-
public, 199

Democratic legislation, how will it
affect human motives? 60

- opinion, opposed to scientific truth,
37; in America and England, 248
Democrats, the, in America, 216
Despotism, in Spain, 15; in France,

40, 163, 175; effects of, 49; in
Italy, 59; of Jacobins, 73; at Rome,
80; of the people, 156, 159; arises
from democracy, 188; in Russia,
197; military, 200

Dicey, Mr. A. V., referred to, 217 n
Dickens influenced by Bentham, 153
Dictatorship in France, 14
Droz, M. Numa, referred to, 96 n

EDUCATION, Popular, tendency to

diffuse commonplaces, 36
Enclosure of commons, Bentham's
views on, 85 n

England, sovereigns, 10; political
institutions, 11; her Constitution
adapted to America, 11; duration
of her Constitution, 53, 81; political
character of Englishmen held on
the Continent, 58; survival of
Parliamentary institutions, 92; her
greatness the work of minorities,
97; opening way to democracy, 111,
125; reform in, 135; envied by
foreigners, 136; her dangers, 149;
her Revolution compared with the
French, 151, 173; relative popula-
tion of British Empire, 196
Equality, political, and liberty, irre-
concileable, 29; inseparable, accord-
ing to Rousseau, 156; not identical
with equality of representation, 186;
not the basis of Senate of United
States, 227; in American States, 229
Executive powers distinct from legis-
lative, 218; powers of American
President and British House of
Commons, 232 sqq.

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GOVERNMENT

"Federalist," the, 198, 202; scanty
reference to British Empire, 206;
on Montesquieu, 204, 219
Fortnightly Review, 44
France (see Revolution, Monarchy,
Popular Government), vicissitudes
of her Governments, 14; influence
of mobs, 24; universal suffrage
abandoned, 34; working of the
Government, 57, 147; origin of
monarchy, 60; Rousseau's influence,
75; influence on England, 136, 154;
compared with England in recent
years, 151; origins of the National
Assembly, 161; her numerous Con-
stitutions, 174; her numerous no-
bility, 182; democratic society in,
189; Republic of, 199, 250; States-
General, 225; old Kings of, 250
Franchise agitation in England in
1884, 176

Bill, 240, 241

Franklin, Benjamin, 12

Free Trade and Protection in America,
36, 247; in England, 147
Freedom, false ideas of, 58; not the
first requisite in states, 63; Hobbes'
definition, 70; hopes of, clinging to
monarchy, 200

|ENERALISATION, power of, in
politics, 107

German influence on France, 3
Germany, Popular Government in, 17;
Government compared with Italian,
21; compared with American, 216
Girondins, their phraseology, 74, 75
Government, forms of, 6 (see Popular

Government); J. S. Mill and Mr.
Justice Stephen quoted, 7; of
Russia and Turkey, 8; of other
European States, 8, 210; British
model followed throughout Europe,
13; of Spain, 15; of Germany, 17;
danger from Irreconcileables, 26:
theory that it can increase human
happiness, 45; Scherer on France,
57; democracy, a form of, 59; its
chief duties, 63, 64; by the Many,
73, 201; by Representation, 92;
Party, 98; difficulties of, in India,
133; servant of the people, accord-
ing to Rousseau, 156; "multi-

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