1 negotiate a convention, relative to the claims of foreign affairs, and the objects of primary importance Americans against France, and to those of France which have hitherto necessarily engrossed your exagainst the United States; but that you had no power cellency's attention, have prevented an earlier offito enter upon a negotiation concerning the interpre- cial answer to his excellency count de Villele's lettation of the 8th article of the Louisiana treaty. ter.. The discussions which have arisen upon this last It has, together with the others on the same subpoint, between your government and the king's mi-ject, as he had naturally anticipated, been of course nister plenipotentiary to the United States, having had transmitted to my government. But, on a review of no result, and this question being thus left undecided, the correspondence of Mr. Adams with Mr. Hyde de it is both proper and just to resume the examination Neuville, and with myself, I must express my perfect of it: it touches upon too great interests not to be conviction, that the subject, having been maturely treated of with renewed attention, or to be abandon-examined and thoroughly discussed, there cannot be ed. the least expectation that the U. States will alter their view of it, or acquiesce in the construction put by his majesty's minister on the 8th article of the Louisiana treaty. If a new arrangement takes place for the claims which are still in controversy, it ought to comprehend the whole, and the desire of the king's government is not to leave any difficulty, any indecision remaining in the relations of the two countries. It is for the same reason, sir, that I demanded, in the letter which I had the honor to address to you on the Cth of this month, that the negotiation to be opened on the respective claims, should also include a consular convention. It is not my intention, at this moment, to renew a discussion which seems to have been already exhausted; but I will beg leave, simply, to state the question to your excellency. It was agreed, by the article abovementioned, that the ships of France should forever be treated upon the footing of the most favored nation in the ports of Louisiana. Vessels of certain foreign nations being now treated in the ports of the United States, including those of Louisiana, on the same footing with American vessels, in consideration of the American vessels being treated in the ports of those nations on the same If your powers for discussing these difficult points should not appear to you sufficiently extensive to make it the object of a negotiation, I think, sir, that you will deem it fit to ask of your government supplementary authority, to come at an arrangement which cannot be of the utility proposed by the two governments, unless it shall embrace all the ques-footing with their own vessels, France has required tions and the claims which are still in dispute. I can only refer, sir, on this subject, to the comrounication which I had the honor to make to you on the 6th of this month, and with which you have, doubtless, acquainted your government. Accept, sir, the assurances of, &c. The minister of finances, charged, ad-interim, with the port folio of foreign affairs. JH. DE VILLELE. No. 250. that French vessels should, by virtue of the said article, be treated in the ports of Louisiana, on the same footing with the vessels of those nations, without allowing, on her part, the consideration, or reciprocal condition, by virtue of which those vessels are thus treated. The United States contend, that the right to be treated upon the footing of the most favored nation, when not otherwise defined, and when expressed only in those words, is that, and can only be that, of being entitled to that treatment gratuitously, if such nation Extract of a letter from Mr. Gallatin, envoy extraordinary enjoys it gratuitously, and on paying the same equiand minister plenipotentiary to France, to Mr. Adams, valent, if it has been granted in consideration of an secretary of state, dated Paris, 27th February, 1823. equivalent. Setting aside every collateral matter The more have reflected on the ground assumed and subsidiary argument, they say that the article in by this government, on the subject of our claims, and question, expresed as it is, can have no other meanof the attempt to connect their discussion with the ing, is susceptible of no other construction, for this question arising under the 8th article of the Louisiana plain and incontrovertible reason: that, if the French treaty, the more I have felt satisfied that it was im-vessels were allowed to receive, gratuitously, the possible that the U. States should depart from the True construction of that article, and acquiesce in that contended for by France, and that the renewed discussion on that subject would be unprofitable, and lead to no result whatever. As a last, but I believed unavailing effort, I have concluded to express that conviction to the French government, and have accordingly addressed, this day, to Mr. Chateaubriand, the letter of which I have the honor to enclose a copy. Paris, 27th February, 1823. SIR: I had the honor to receive his excellency count de Villele's letter, of the 15th of November last, by which, notwithstanding the remonstrances contained in mine of the 12th, his excellency, being at that time charged with the department of foreign affairs, still insisted that the discussion of the claims of individuals of both pations upon the two governments, respectively, should not take place, unless it was connected with a renewed negotiation on the 8th article of the Louisiana treaty same treatment which those of certain other nations receive, only in consideration of an equivalent, they would not be treated as the most favored nation, but more favorably than any other nation. And, since the article must necessarily have the meaning contended for by the United States, and no other, the omission or insertion of words to define it, is wholly immaterial, a definition being necessary only when the expressions used are of doubtful import, and the insertion of words to that effect in some other treaties, belonging to that class of explanatory but superfluous phrases, of which instances are to be found in so many treaties. It might, indeed, have, perhaps, been sufficient to say, that, in point of fact, there was no most favored nation in the United States, the right enjoyed by the vessels of certain foreign nations to be treated in the ports of the United States as American vessels, in consideration of American vessels receiving a similar treatment in the ports of these nations, not being a favor, but a mere act of reciprocity. A conversation I had the honor to have with his ex- Let me also observe, that the pretension of France cellency the duke de Montmorency, after his return would, if admitted, leave no alternative to the United from Verona, induced me to hope, although he did States, than either to suffer the whole commerce benot encourage any expectations of a different result, tween France and Louisiana to be carried exclusivethat he would, however, again lay the subject before ly in French vessels, or to renounce the right of makhis majesty's council of ministers. This circum-ing arrangements with other nations deemed essential biance, to subsequent change in the department of) to our prosperity, and having for object not to lay re The electors of president and vice president of the strictions on commerce, but to remove them. If the meaning of the 8th article of the Louisiana treaty United States, met in the several states on Wednesday was such, indeed, as has been contended for on the last, the first day and the "first Wednesday" of the part of France, the United States, bound to fulfil their month,-and, so far as it depends on them, have sciengagements, must submit to the consequences, what-tled the question which has so long agitated us. The ever these might be: but this having been proven not returns shall be published as fast as they reach us. to be the case, the observation is made only to show Unless some strange and unexpected, turu shall take that the United States never can, either for the sake place, an election by the electors cannot be expected, of obtaining indemnities for her citizens, or from and the great probability is, that Messus. Jackson. their anxious desire to settle, by conciliatory arrange- Adams and Clayf will be returned to the house of rements, all their differences with France, be brought presentatives for president; but it is believed that to acquiesce in the erroneous construction put upon Mr. Calhoun will be elected vice president. the article in question. The electoral college of Maryland has given 7 votes to A. Jackson, 3 to J. Q. Adams, and i to Williages H. Crawford, as president; and 10 votes to John C. Calhoun, and 1 to Andrew Jackson, as vice president of the United States. Maine. Only 12,349 votes were taken in this state for elec tors of president-of these the electors for the state "at large" had 9,265. The rest were chosen by disDistricts. Whole no. of votes. The Adams clector kad tricts-the following will shew the state of the polis 2144 York The proposal made by his excellency Mr. de Vil- His ex. viscount de Chateaubriand, 1642 2905 1526 1782 1511 Hancock & Washington 1757 There was nothing like a contest except in Curuberland, and yet we have seen calculations in which every vote of Maine was given to Mr. Crawford! They are all for Mr. Adams." Rhode Island. The number of votes taken at the election of electors was very small, because there was no regular opposition to the Adams ticket. The return shews 2,145 for that ticket, and 200 for the opposition. Connecticut. The remark made as to the election in Rhode Is and, applies also to Connecticut. The people, confident in the success of the Adams ticket, were careless about attending the polls. The votes were, for highest on the opposition 1,978, lowest 1,011. Aggre▾ the highest on the Adams ticket 7,569, lowest 7,401; gate of scattering votes 1,188. Virginia. The returns from all the counties, except three, give the following results-for the Crawford ticket 8469; Adams 3389; Jackson 2850; Clay 418. The legislature of this state convened on Monday last, instead of its usual time on the 1st Monday of December. It is intimated, that it was to have an opportunity of counselling the electors of president and vice president, in the "event of a difficulty." But it is not easy to discover why the electors should be "counselled" in this way. They are responsible to the people, and not to the legislature. Kentucky. We learn, generally, that electors favorable to Mr. Clay have been chosen in every district. Indiana. State of the polls for electors of president and vice president, according to the latest advices-For the Jackson ticket 3,404; Clay do. 2043; Adams do. 1,756. It appears that very few votes were taken on the occasion. The weather is said to have been very bad. It has been intimated as very possible, that some of the electors, friendly to one of the two candidates which every body supposes will go into the house, will vote for Mr. Clay, for the purpose of giving a complete defeat to the caucus of 66. This intimation is mentioned, however, simply as a report, that seems to have some little foundation. But it is said, that Mr. C. will have one vote in Illinois. 1 Tennessee. Nashville, November 13. State of the polls for an elector in the district of Nashville, &c. Counties vidson Nashville Wade. 22 Sublett. Shelton, 816 38 93 40 1 62 90 5 Shelton's Williamson, 312 168 200 more of their land. The governor of Georgia, Mr. Troup, in his late message to the legislature of that state, prefers some heavy complaints against the government of the United States, because the Indians have not been induced, or compelled, to yield up certain portions of their territory; but if it shall seem best to them to retain the whole that is yet left, we cannot imagine any rightful power that can be used to dispossess them of it-and it is not to be presumed that any other will be exerted. As they proceed in the acquisition of knowledge, which they do rapidly, they will become more and more fitted for an incorporation into the great American family, and, without a resort to any other means, soon cease to At this election about two-fifths of the voters ap- exist as a separated race, provided only some general peared at the poils. Such was the confidence enter-laws shall be passed by which they may become postained of the success of the Jackson candidate, that it led to this great and culpable negligence on the part of his friends; we have no doubt, that the full strength of the opposition was brought out, and to speak plainly, it was much stronger than we expected. [It is not worth while to proceed with any further details of the state of the polls.] 3,593 THE NAVAL COURT MARTIAL, at New-York, for the trial of lieut. Weaver, it is said "has cashiered" him. The president, we learn, has approved of the sentence. Another court is to be organized to inquire into the conduct of commodore Stewart, as connected with the transactions for which lieut. Weaver has been tried and found guilty. THE SOUTHERN INDIANS. It appears from certain papers published in the present sheet, that the Creeks, like the Cherokees, &c. have resolved not to sell any sessed of the rights and privileges of citizens. The Cherokees, as a body of individuals, in what is called civilization, are not much, if any, inferior to other clans or classes of the people fin other countries, said to be civilized-and the prospect of Mr. Crawford, when secretary of war, may yet be realized in respect to the southern tribes. ST. MARY'S CHURCH, PHILADELPHIA. A meeting of the congregation, worshipping in this church, has lately been held to attempt to bring about an arrangement that may be so far acceded to by bishop Conwell, as to cause a restoration of peace, until the principle, on which the bishop and the congregation are at issue, shall be settled by the competent tribunalwhich is to appoint a pastor pro tem. that shall be agreeable to both partics. The congregation, however, passed the following resolution: Resolved, That, although this meeting is desirous of peace, upon such terms as will cordially unite them to those of their brethren, from whom they are mischievously and unnecessarily sundered; yet they are fully and firmly determined not to sacrifice, to that desire, their rights as freemen, and their privileges as catholics. On the contrary, they are resolved to use every honorable means, in asserting and maintaining the principle for which they contend, namely, that the congregation shall have some control in the selection of those clergymen whom they are called upon to support; and in whom, as their pastors, they are called upon to repose an unlimited and a sacred confidence. [It may be necessary to mention, that the bishops of the Roman catholic church assume, and generally exercise as a right in themselves, the appointment of pastors of the several congregations under their charge. Hence the dissentions that have prevailed at Philadelphia and elsewhere; the congregations maintaining that they ought to have "some control ip the selection."] NEW-YORK. The legislature of this state adjourned last Saturday. Some account of the proceedings in relation to the Chemical bank, shall be inserted for preservation. The following are the returns of votes for governor and lieutenant governor, from all the counties in this state, except Cattaraugus: The votes given for Messrs. Tallmadge and Root. shew the real majority of the state, as opposed to the proceedings of the late dominant party in New York Mr. Clinton's majority, though large, was much af fected by various considerations. Members of the present and next congress, from the state of New York: Dist. 18th Congress. 1 Silas Wood 2 Jacob Tyson 3 John I. Morgan Peter Sharpe C. C. Cambreleng 4 Joel Frost 5 W. Van Wyck [ 6 Hector Craig 7 L. Jenkins Is James Strong 9 J. L. Hogeboom 10 S. Van Rensselaer 11 Charles A. Foote 12 Lewis Eaton 13 Isaac Williams 14 Henry R. Storrs 15 John Herkimer 16 John W. Cady 17 John W. Taylor 18 H. C. Martindale 19 Henry H. Ross 20 Egbert Ten Eyck Ela Collins 21 Lot Clark 22 Justin Dwinell 23 Elisha Litchfield 24 Rowland Day 25 Samuel Lawrence 26 Dudley Marvin Robert S. Rose 27 Moses Hayden 28 W. Woods 29 Parmenio Adams 30 Albert H. Tracy 19th Congress. Silas Wood Joshua Sands plined? As we have already said, Virginia is much wiser than this; and so are some of the other states. What is it that gives influence and consideration in the house, not only to such men as Randolph and Mr. Clay, but to those of a much lower rate of naGul. C. Verplancktural talent and liberal accomplishment? Simply, Jeronomus Johnson experience and practice. Look at the heads of seveC. C. Cambreleng ral of the standing committees. How came such men Aaron Ward there? The answer is, they have been some time in Barto White Congress. They have become acquainted with the John Hallock details of business. If they can do little else, they A. B. Hasbrouck can yet do, and do well, the ordinary drudgery of James Strong public affairs. Or, if we look to him who holds the highest seat, is it brilliant talent, or long employment, and patient toil, that has reached that elevation? W. McManus S. Van Rensselaer Henry Ashley William Deitz Wm. S. Angell Henry R. Storrs Michael Hoffman Henry Markell John W. Taylor H. C. Martindale Henry H. Ross Egbert Ten Eyck Nicholl Fosdick Elias Whitemore John Miller Luther Badger Charles Kellogg Charles Humphrey Dudley Marvin Robert S. Rose Moses Hayden Timothy H. Porter Parmenio Adams Daniel G. Garnsey The New York "Statesman" has the following remarks on the preceding list of members, which are well entitled to the consideration of the people of every state; for the moral force acquired in congress, by a knowledge of business alone, is much greater than, perhaps, one out of an hundred has supposed; and, with the opportunity that is afforded of reviewing the conduct of our representatives every second year, there is no great danger likely to result from at least three or four re-elections; and, in many particular} cases, it is not a state only, but the nation at large, which suffers by changes resulting from other causes than the disapproved acts of individual members. Let us not deceive ourselves. If we will have able public men, they must be like men destined for other employments, fitted for high trust by experience, and advanced by just degrees. We would not trust our estates with a green lawyer, of however brilliant natural faculties. Let us not be content, then, with green statesmen. We might learn this salutary lesson by looking at an individual exception to the general practice of the state, which happens to exist. We allude to the worthy gentleman, the member from Saratoga, now one of the oldest and one of the most respected members of congress. We hope the time is at hand, when the citizens of New York will think of these things. We have population, and population is power. We have wealth, and wealth is power. We have enterprise, and enterprise is power. Let us remember, also, that character is power; and that well informed, able, experienced and faithful public men, are the greatest treasures of a state. And now, that personal wealth and weight of individual character has achieved, in our state government, such a triumph over machinery and horse power, let us learn to rely on the same quality, in those whom we constitute our agents in the general goverement. Let number be forgotten. Effectual political power does not go always according to the arithmetic. Let us rather imitate the proud reply of a distinguished member of the British parliament, when he was tauntingly told, that he and his political friends constituted but a dozen or two in the house of commons: "Ponderemur," said he, "non enumeremur:"-Let us be weighed, not numbered. of the commonwealth, in the proscription of individuals whose talents would honor it and them. A moderate portion of the clannishness that prevails in several other states, would be of no small service to the people of this. Three governors of western states are, as we are informed by the Harrisburgh Chronicle, natives of Pennsylvania, to wit-governor Desha, of Kentucky, who was born in Northampton county; governor Morrow, of Ohio, who was born in Adams; and governor McNair, of Missouri, who was born in Mifflin. PENNSYLVANIA. The following little paragraph should afford a useful lesson to the politicians of Pennsylvania, who have hitherto so much suffered their doRotation in office-It would appear that, of our thirty-mestic quarrels to operate against the rightful strength four representatives in congress, twelve have been reelected. As far as this change arises from dissatisfaction with the conduct of the representative, it is exactly right. In many, perhaps most of the cases, however, we believe, it happens from another cause, that is, from an arrangement, by which it is stipulated, that, after a given time, one aspirant for office is to succeed another. This course is full of evils. It is, indeed, miserable policy for this state. Even Pennsylvania has grown wiser than this. Virginia was always greatly wiser. How can New York, while she pursues this system, expect to produce political characters, qualified by knowledge, discipline, and exrience, to take a lead in the national councils? These ALABAMA. "The Democrat" says-We are intwenty-two gentlemen, who are not now elected, were formed, by a letter from Cahawba, that col. Pickens, mostly new members last session. As new members, the president of the state bank, has returned from their knowledge of the business of the house must New York: that the six per cent. stock, created at the have been small, and their influence consequently the last session, has been sold, at par, in N. York, and the less considerable. Before a second session comes $100,000 obtained in specie, United States coin, inround, a new election takes place, and they are omit-sured and shipped to Mobile-that one of the vessels ted. They will, therefore, take no great further had arrived with a part of it. The notes sealed, &c. pains to procure information, proper for a situation are also expected in a few days. which they are so soon to leave. Their thoughts are already turned to their several objects and pursuits after the third of March. How is it possible, in this way, that real statesmen can be educated and disci The bank will go into operation with upwards of $200,000 capital on hand, the prayers and predictions of the Shylocks, the shavers, the skin-flints and screwdrivers, to the contrary notwithstanding. [Now, I sincerely hope that the state bank may not increase the offensive breeds of which the editor of the "Democrat" speaks; but, generally speaking, the business of banking is the hot-bed that produces them.] The population of Madison county, Alabama, in 1824, is thus given: White males over 21 years Ditto under 21 years 2,544 3,405 White.females over 21 years 1,944 Ditto under 21 years 3,348 THE AMERICAN REPUBLICS. France has been playing a game which has not succeeded. Some time ago the governor of Martinique sent an agent to Mexico, with assurances that France was desirous of cultivating a good understanding, and recognizing the republic. Another agent, with similar instructions, proceeded to Colombia. Both governments have declared them to be spies and prohibited their admission to the cities of Mexico and Bagota, from which it appears that they are wide awake on this subject. PACIFIC AND ATLANTIC. The Caracas papers say that there are points at which, by a canal of four miles only, an easy communication may be made between those occans. The spot is not mentioned; but, under the liberal governments of Mexico and South America, it is to be hoped that an object so magnificent, and so much to be desired by the whole world, as a junction of those vast bodies of water, will soon be effected. But who can count the "revolutions of empires" that may follow it? DE WITT CLINTON has arrived at Trenton, at the request of the Morris canal commissioners, to aid them with his advice, &c. and the vice president of the council presented him with the following address. The honorable De Witt Clinton,-The legislature of New Jersey, now in session, have instructed us, (the vice president of the council, and speaker of the house of assembly,) to hail you welcome to our seat of legislation--to express their admiration of your public character, and profound respect for your talents. They feel a peculiar pleasure to witness, that the former is proclaimed from the eminences of our happy country, and that the latter hath not been hid in the earth. Sir, may you long live to execute the great things you have so happily conceived, and may our common country continue to progress in the march of improvement till she has reached that elevated point, which you, sir, with every patriot, so ardently desire. To which Mr. Clinton made the following answer:Gentlemen,-The honor conferred on me by the two houses of the legislature over which you so worthily preside, has excited feelings of gratitude in my bosom, which no time can obliterate. The approbation of the wise and virtuous, has always been considered by me a sufficient reward for any services that I may have rendered to our country; and the expression of that sentiment by the respectabie legislature of the state of New-Jersey, is cherished by me with peculiar gratification. Connected as New-Jersey and New York are, by contiguity of territory, by identity of interest, by reciprocity of communication, and by the blood shed in the revolution, it is to be hoped that the most cordial friendship will prevail between the states and their citizens; and I assure you that no effort shall be omitted on my part to promote the most kind and amicable relations. With the vast facilities afforded by the Dispenser of all good, for promoting the prosperity of your state, I perceive with the truest satisfaction, the disposition which you have manifested to extend, by the operations of art, the endowments of nature; and, I am persuaded that New Jersey will be as much distinguished by the wisdom of her policy, as she was by her heroism in the times that tried men's souls. Accept, gentlemen, for yourselves personally, and, for the houses over which you preside, the assurance of my distinguished respect, and my most sincere thanks for the condescending kindness which has this day been manifested to me, with a cordial reciprocation of the good wishes so courteously expressed and conveyed. In the afternoon, Mr. Clinton dined at the City Tavern, with a large number of the members of the legislature. LA FAYETTE AND THE SONS OF THE FOREST. OD Wednesday, last week, the delegation of Choctaw chiefs, at present in Washington city, repaired, from their residence at Tennison's hotel, to the quarters of general La Fayette, at Gadsby's hotel. Major John Pitchlynn, their interpreter, having been introduced to judge Brooke, was, by the judge, introduced to the general, when the several chiefs were, by name and title, successively presented by the major to the guest of the nation. The chief, Mushalatubbee, then spoke as follows: "You are one of our fathers that fought in the war with general Washington. We take you here by the hand as a friend and a father. We have always walked in the white paths of peace; and, in those paths we have travelled to visit you. We offer you pure hands, which have never been stained with the blood of Americans. We live in the south, where the sun shines hot upon us. We have been neighbors to the French, neighbors to the Spaniards, and neighbors to the English: but now our only neighbors are the Americans, in the midst of whom we live as friends and brothers." La Fayette, in the following manner: "About fifty years ago you drew your sword, the companion of general Washington. With him you travelled and warred against the enemies of America. In spilling the blood of your foes, you generously shed your own, thereby consecrating your devotion to the cause in which you were engaged. After the termination of the war, you returned to your country, and now you revisit this land, blessed by the benedictions and honored with the grateful atteations of a numerous and powerful people. You see every where around you, crowding to your presence, and clasping your hands with filial affection, the children of those with whom you fought in the defence of their country. We had heard of these things even in our remote habitations, and our bosoms were depressed with anxiety to see you. We have come. We take you by the hand, and are satisfied. It is the first and the last time. We shall meet no more. We part, on earth, forever. This is all I have to say." Col. Cole then spoke to the following effect: "I am a man of mixed blood. I consider all white men as my fathers. You come from a far distant land. I salute you as my father, because you are a white man and the old and constant friend of America." During these addresses from the Indian chiefs, general La Fayette was agitated by strong emotions, and was evidently much affected at the marks of respect which they shewed him. He several times cordially pressed their hands. |