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here, by the direction of the king and Lanfranc1, had taken every precaution against their progress, after having plundered the cathedral of York, they betook themselves to Flanders2. On Hakon rests the charge that he, like Asbiörn before him, allowed himself to be bribed by William, on which account he also, after his return to Denmark, was banished from the country by king Svend3. The strong city of Norwich was soon forced to surrender, and the Bretons, vassals of Ralf, of whom the garrison chiefly consisted, had their lives spared only under the conditions of renouncing the fiefs they had acquired in England, and of quitting the country within forty days. The mercenaries were compelled to leave at a shorter notice. Bishop Geoffrey, William of Warenne, who with Richard of Bienfait, the son of earl Gilbert, the chief justiciary and representative of the king during the absence of the latter, Robert Malet, and three hundred men at arms with engineers remained in Norwich. The king himself also now embarked for England, as the measures adopted by Lanfranc had not proved sufficient to reduce Roger to subjection. On his arrival William cited the rebellious vassal before his court. Roger hesitated not to appear, relying on his near relationship to the king, who, however, soon gave him to understand how futile had been his confidence. According to the Norman law, he was declared to have forfeited all his honours and possessions, and condemned to perpetual imprisonment. Even then his haughty spirit did not desert him, but served to exasperate the king still more against him. For when William on Easter day had sent him a rich suit of clothes, he ordered a large fire to be kindled and burnt them. He outlived the king, and died in prison and in fetters. Many of the rebels were banished, many hanged, some were blinded3, others underwent mutila

1 Lanfranci Epist. 25. 2 Sax. Chron. a. 1075, erroneously for 1074. 3 W. Malm. p. 437.

4 "Balistarii et machinarum artifices." Lanfranci Epist. 35.

5 Dr. Ingram, suo more, thus ludicrously renders the words of the Sax.

tion of their hands and feet. But of none was the fate so deplored, and proved so lasting a reproach to the king as that of earl Waltheof.

This individual had thrown himself on the king's mercy and carried none of his traitorous designs into effect. His wife Judith, the king's niece, came forth, it is said, as his accuser; yet whatever her disclosures may have been, the accusation can have been founded only on wishes, words, and plans, as Waltheof had not, like the other conspirators, risen in arms against the king immediately from the nuptial festivity. Even the Norman nobles found no severer punishment for him than close imprisonment and the forfeiture of his posts; a punishment certainly too rigorous, being the same as that awarded to Roger of Hereford. But the general sympathy manifested for Waltheof roused the mistrust of the tyrant, who was tortured by dread and anxiety, and by which he was at length driven to the resolution, by the murder of the Anglo-Saxon, of bringing to his fancied earthly peace and security the offering of a deed, of which a deadened conscience, savage vengeance, and blind fear caused him to overlook the consequences for his own mind, the reproach of his contemporaries, and the indelible stain on his fame in the judgment of after ages'. In the following year (1075, 31st May) Waltheof was brought from his prison at Winchester, at early dawn, to the spot without the city, where the church of St. Giles was afterwards erected, where his head was struck off while he was in the act of repeating the Lord's prayer, which indecent

Chron. h. a. "ealle ba Bryttas be wæron æt þam bryd-ealoð æt Norowic, sume hy wurdon ablænde, and sume of land adrifene, and sume getawod to scande." "All the Britons (r. Bretons) were condemned who were at the bride-ale at Norwich. Some were punished with blindness; some were driven from the land; and some were towed to Scandinavia" [!!!].

-L. T.

Lappenberg considers the meaning to be expressed by Matt. Paris (R. Wendover, ii. p. 15) in the words: "nonnullos patibulo fecit suspendi." I rather think to scande getawian means to treat with ignominy.-T. Comp. Ord. Vital. p. 544 (Maseres, p. 345).

hurry on the part of the executioners arose from their apprehension that the citizens might awake and rush to the rescue of a man held in such high veneration. His body was at first ignominiously cast into a pit and covered with turf, but after the lapse of a fortnight, at the request of Judith and with the king's permission, it was conveyed to Crowland by the abbot Ulfkytel and honourably interred in the chapter house of that monastery'. Judith continued in possession of the earldoms of Huntingdon and Northampton, until she refused obedience to the king's mandate, to give her hand to a nobleman named Simon of Senlis, whose high lineage appeared in her estimation no idemnity for a lameness in one of his legs. Enraged at her disobedience, the despot deprived her of the two earldoms, which he bestowed on Simon, who afterwards married Judith's eldest daughter 2.

At this time a measure was adopted, which, although it proceeded from the great council held by Lanfranc at London, yet probably originated with the king himself3; namely the decree for the translation to cities of such bishops as still resided in villages. For the letter of this decree speak the obsolete canons of popes Damasus and Leo, but which, when speaking of villages, could hardly have had in view such places as were now the subject. But it was highly desirable for William to transfer his Norman bishops to cities, where they could be protected by the castles he had caused to be built, and where those few Anglo-Saxon prelates, who had not been displaced, could be more easily watched and held under control. By virtue of this decree, the see of Sherborne was transferred to Sarum, that of Selsey to Chichester, and that of Lichfield to Chester. Sarum-after the founding of the neighbouring city of Salisbury, known as Old Sarum--was little more than a fortress in a lofty situation, and well en

It was afterwards, by abbot Ingulf, taken thence and buried near the high altar. Ord. Vital. p. 543 (Maseres, p. 343).—T.

2 Ingulph. p. 513 b.

3 Wilkins, Concil. i. p. 363.

tion of their hands and feet. But of none was the fate so deplored, and proved so lasting a reproach to the king as that of earl Waltheof.

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This individual had thrown himself on the king's mercy and carried none of his traitorous designs into effect. His wife Judith, the king's niece, came forth, it is said, as his accuser; yet whatever her disclosures may have been, the accusation can have been founded only on wishes, words, and plans, as Waltheof had not, like the other conspirators, risen in arms against the king immediately from the nuptial festivity. Even the Norman nobles found no severer punishment for him than close imprisonment and the forfeiture of his posts; a punishment certainly too rigorous, being the same as that awarded to Roger of Hereford. But the general sympathy manifested for Waltheof roused the mistrust of the tyrant, who was tortured by dread and anxiety, and by which he was at length driven to the resolution, by the murder of the Anglo-Saxon, of bringing to his fancied earthly peace and security the offering of a deed, of which a deadened conscience, savage venand blind fear caused him to overlook the consegeance, quences for his own mind, the reproach of his contemporaries, and the indelible stain on his fame in the judgment of after ages'. In the following year (1075, 31st May) Waltheof was brought from his prison at Winchester, at early dawn, to the spot without the city, where the church of St. Giles was afterwards erected, where his head was struck off while he was in the act of repeating the Lord's prayer, which indecent

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