Nevertheless, and particularly recently, following the introduction of proposals on the immediate conclusion of a peace treaty with Germany and on normalization on that basis of the situation in West Berlin," subversive activity from West Berlin against the G.D.R. and other socialist countries has assumed even greater proportions. At the same time, the enemies of peace and tranquillity in this area have not missed even one opportunity to interfere with the plans for socialist construction in the G.D.R., to hinder the rise in well-being of its population, and. by every means and without stopping at anything, to complicate the situation in the Republic.

It is consequently fully understandable that the Government of the G.D.R.. striving to prevent complication of the present international situation and responding to the appeal of the socialist states participants in the Warsaw Treaty,* has adopted appropriate measures in defense of its state interests and the interests of the security of other socialist states.

93

7. Concluding their historic agreements at the end of the Second World War and following the defeat of Hitlerite Germany, the U.S.S.R., the U.S.A., Britain and France outlined a joint program for the restoration of German life on democratic peace-loving principles." This program was realized on the territory of the G.D.R. Unfortunately, in West Germany, as the Government of the U.S.S.R. has repeatedly pointed out, development took the path of a rebirth of militarism; and now there again thrive there the chauvinistic and revanchist forces, dangerous for the cause of peace, which were inspirers and organizers of Hitlerite aggression.

The Western Powers themselves promoted this and crudely violated all phases of the postwar quadripartite agreements. In its note of August 17, the Govern ment of the U.S.A. attempts to invoke the quadripartite agreements on Germany which it itself violated. But is it possible, having destroyed the whole, to retain for oneself that part of an agreement advantageous to oneself? And in practice were the Government of the U.S.A. and its organs in West Berlin guided by the principles of the quadripartite agreements, to which they now appeal?

95

94

Can it be that separate monetary reform, extended to West Berlin from West Germany, accorded with quadripartite principles? Or was the creation of Bizonia and a separate magistrate in West Berlin" in accordance with them? Or yet, in the opinion of the Government of the U.S.A., is it possible to reconcile with these quadripartite principles a separate tripartite occupation statute for West Berlin" and the Paris agreements on the rearmament of the F.R.G. and its inclusion in NATO. Or do, perhaps, the aforementioned subversive activities from West Berlin against the U.S.S.R., the G.D.R., and other countries also accord with the principles of quadripartite cooperation?

"See ante, doc. 231.

92 Ante, doc. 250.

"Presumably a reference to the Protocol of Proceedings of the Berlin (Potsdam) Conference, Aug. 1, 1945; text in A Decade of American Foreign Policy: Basic Documents, 1941-1949, pp. 34-48.

"Reference to the currency reform laws effected in the French, U.K., and U.S. zones of occupation of Germany, June 18, 20, and 27, 1948; see Germany, 19471949: the Story in Documents (Department of State publication 3556), pp. 402511.

5 I.e., the economic fusion of the U.K. and U.S. zones of occupation, Jan. 1 1947; see A Decade of American Foreign Policy: Basic Documents, 1941–1949, pp. 528-531.

Created Dec. 1, 1948, when the Soviet-sponsored puppet "City Magistrat ordered the forcible removal of the legitimate Magistrat from the City Hall in the Soviet Sector, and the latter group took up provisional quarters in the UK. Sector.

I.e., the "Statement of Principles Governing the Relationship between the Allied Kommandatura and Greater Berlin," approved by the Military Governors and Commandants of the French, U.K., and U.S. Zones and Sectors, May 14, 1948. text in Germany, 1947–1949: the Story in Documents, pp. 324–326.

98

Agreements of Oct. 23, 1954; texts in American Foreign Policy, 1950–1955: Basic Documents, pp. 483-612 and 871-873.

It is sufficient to put these questions to understand the complete groundlessness and absurdity of references of the Government of the U.S.A. to the aforementioned agreements.

8. References of the Western Powers to Allied agreements are also groundless because these agreements were concluded for the period of occupation of Germany and for occupation purposes. Much has changed in the past 161⁄2 years, including the face of Germany itself. On its territory have arisen two independent states with their own capitals and borders: the socialists, peace-loving German Democratic Republic and the capitalistic, militaristic Federal Republic of Germany. No one has the right to interfere in the affairs of these two German states, since they relate to matters of their internal competence. These real facts can be recognized or not recognized, but they do not cease to exist for that reason.

The Government of the U.S.A. attempts in its note to represent its effort to per petuate the occupation of West Berlin (and this 16 years after the end of the war) as a concern for the Germans and almost as a concrete expression of the right to self-determination. Such attempts in the final analysis cannot be taken seriously. And if the taking of defensive measures on the G.D.R. border with West Berlin creates certain temporary inconveniences for the city's population, blame for this rests entirely with the occupation authorities and the F.R.G. Government, which have done everything to prevent improvement of the atmosphere in this area in accordance with the legitimate interests of all states. Thus, the protest made in the note of the Government of the U.S.A. is without foundation and is categorically rejected by the Soviet Government.

9. As was already stated, measures taken by the Government of the G.D.R. are temporary. The Soviet Government repeatedly has emphasized that the conclusion of a peace treaty with Germany and normalization on such a basis of the situation in West Berlin will not infringe the interests of any of the parties and will contribute to the cause of peace and security of all peoples. To this end it appeals to the Government of the U.S.A.

258. INCREASE IN THE SIZE OF THE UNITED STATES GARRISON IN BERLIN: Statement Made by the President's Press Secretary (Salinger), August 18, 1961 99

In view of recent developments, including the movement of East German military forces into East Berlin, the President has directed an appropriate increase in the United States garrison in Berlin. A battle group of approximately 1,500 men will proceed by way of Helmstadt-Berlin Autobahn, arriving there on Sunday.1

259. THE JOHNSON-CLAY MISSION TO BONN AND BERLIN: Statement Made by the Vice President (Johnson), Andrews Air Force Base, August 18, 1961 2

At the request of the President, I am flying with General Clay to Bonn and Berlin. I am going to Germany to consult with Chancellor Adenauer, Mayor Brandt, and other German leaders and to see for myself the situation in Berlin. I am also bearing a message from the President to Mayor Brandt and the people of Berlin, advising them

99

Department of State Bulletin, Sept. 4, 1961, p. 392, footnote 2. 1I.e., Aug. 20.

2 Department of State Bulletin, Sept. 4, 1961, p. 391.

of the measures which the United States and its Western allies are taking to meet the situation created by the latest Soviet threat against Berlin.

3

As you know, we have already protested the brutal, cynical, and illegal action taken last week-end by the East German regime with Soviet approval and support. This arbitrary splitting of the city of Berlin is a flagrant violation of solemn international agreements and obligations undertaken by the Soviet Government.

Now I want to see at firsthand the effects of this tragic situation as they are translated in human terms-the separated families, the refugees who have had to abandon home and friends, tearing up their roots in order to start life anew in freedom.

The Soviet and East German rulers discovered in June of 1953and I am sure they will discover it again in this situation-that the more the urge for freedom is suppressed, the more insistently the demand for it grows.

It is also my purpose to assure the people of West Berlin of our firm determination to use whatever means may be necessary to fulfill our pledge to preserve their freedom and their ties with the free world. On my return here, I will, of course, report to the President and to the National Security Council.

I am pleased to see that insofar as our exchanges were concerned. President Kennedy's views of the world situation and Chancellor Adenauer's are in complete agreement. There are absolutely no differences.

260. “I HAVE COME [TO GERMANY] ... TO CONVEY A PLEDGE, TO SOUND A WARNING, AND TO REITERATE A POLICY": Statement Made by the Vice President of the United States (Johnson), Bonn-Cologne Airport, August 19, 1961 5

I have come as the personal representative of President Kennedy to express a conviction, to convey a pledge, to sound a warning, and to reiterate a policy.

We are united in America, regardless of party and regardless of region, in our concern and understanding for the German people in their present ordeal. The endangered frontier of freedom now runs through divided but dauntless Berlin. The Communist dictatorship has the power temporarily to seal a border; but no tyranny can survive beyond the shadow of its evil strength.

The American President and the American people are determined to fulfill all our obligations and to honor all our commitments. We are not provocative; neither are we frightened. The American people have no genius for retreat; and we do not intend to retreat now.

4

See ante, docs. 251 and 257.

See American Foreign Policy, 1950–1955: Basic Documents, pp. 1744-1749. Department of State Bulletin, Sept. 4, 1961, pp. 391–392.

Berlin has now become a city of refuge as well as a citadel of freedom and a symbol of peace. Without any spirit of belligerence, but in a spirit of solemn warning, we urge the masters of the Soviet Union and East Germany who have manufactured this crisis to remember in good time that a crime against peace will now be a crime against all humanity; and against that particular crime humanity's retribution will be swift and emphatic.

I will soon consult with Chancellor Adenauer and later today will fly to Berlin to meet with Mayor Brandt and other important officials. Before the Members of the Berlin House of Representatives it shall be my privilege and my duty to set forth in some detail the policy of the United States in the present crisis.

And now let us join hands, as friends and partners, as we did in Washington and Texas, in the quest for peace with freedom and in our steadfast and unshaken unity dare to the end to do our duty.

261. "I AM HERE IN THE NAME OF THE PRESIDENT AND THE AMERICAN PEOPLE TO REASSURE YOU THAT WE ARE WITH YOU IN THE DETERMINATION TO DEFEND YOUR LIBERTY": Statement Made by the Vice President of the United States (Johnson), Tempelhof Airfield, August 19, 1961

6

I am deeply moved by the warmth of your welcome. This gallant city has become an inspiration to the entire free world. Divided, you have never been dismayed. Threatened, you have never faltered. Challenged, you have never weakened. Today, in a new crisis, your courage brings hope to all who cherish freedom and is a massive and majestic barrier to the ambitions of tyrants.

As the personal representative of President Kennedy and the American people, I have come here to salute your courage, to honor your faith in freedom, and to assure you that your friends will never forget their obligations to you. Standing together and working together, you shall prevail. This city will continue to be the fortress of the free because it is the home of the brave.

As one measure of our constant and continuing commitment to your freedom, President Kennedy, just before my departure from Washington, authorized an immediate increase in the American garrison here in West Berlin, and at this moment these additional United States troops are on their way to join you here. I think you will also rejoice that the President has sent with me your old friend and champion, General Lucius Clay, who shared with you the dark days that once faced Berlin and the courage that broke that earlier Communist challenge.

Ibid., p. 392.

See ante, doc. 258.

In this threatened city we can never forget the suffering and the heroism of the people in East Berlin who have now been forced into a bondage that mocks the essential rights of free men and women. They are the victims of tyranny, but their protests have rung round the world and have shamed the cruel dictatorship before the indignant judgment of mankind. An "iron curtain" now divides this city, but it cannot hide the misery and brutality imposed by these harsh and illegal decrees.

They have divided Berlin, but they have united us even more strongly and we will be separated neither by Communist tricks nor Communist threats. That is the pledge I bring to you from America.

Our meeting here today is more than a greeting between devoted friends, more than a gesture of good will in a time of danger. I am here in the name of the President and the American people to reassure you that we remember your ordeals, we honor your fortitude, and we are with you in the determination to defend your liberty and the high and holy cause of human freedom.

262. "TO THE SURVIVAL AND TO THE CREATIVE FUTURE OF THIS CITY WE AMERICANS HAVE PLEDGED... 'OUR LIVES, OUR FORTUNES AND OUR SACRED HONOR'": Address by the Vice President of the United States (Johnson) Before the West Berlin House of Representatives, August 19, 1961 S

8

I have come to Berlin by direction of President Kennedy. He wants you to know-and I want you to know-that the pledge he has given to the freedom of West Berlin and to the rights of Western access to Berlin is firm. To the survival and to the creative future of this city we Americans have pledged, in effect, what our ancestors pledged in forming the United States: ". . . our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor."

I come here at a moment of tension and danger-in your lives, the lives of my countrymen, and the common life of the free world. A barrier of barbed wire has been thrown across your city. It has broken for you-and more important, for your brethren to the east-vital human and communal ties, ties that reach back into the lives of families and friends and into the long life of this great city.

I understand the pain and outrage you feel. I understand the anger you feel as the Communist authorities and their hirelings congratulate themselves on having throttled the flow of men, women, and children who could stand it no longer and have come to the West, even at the cost of abandoning their homes, the familiar places, and all they had created.

8

What a victory they claim! What a failure they prove!

I tell you that the Communists congratulate themselves too soon. Stop for a moment and consider what this crisis is about.

Department of State Bulletin, Sept. 4, 1961, p. 393.