Vice President Johnson presented to President Garcia a letter from President Kennedy.

69

The Vice President said he gained a greater understanding of the conditions in this part of the world and that when he returned he would present the viewpoints of President Garcia to President Kennedy. The Vice President told President Garcia that he had been deeply thrilled and moved by the enthusiastic welcome of the Philippine people.

He also expressed his admiration over the success of the Philippine reconstruction which he regarded as a tribute to the character and capacity of the Filipino people.

72

President Garcia congratulated Vice President Johnson for a very timely and heartwarming address before the joint session of Congress. The two leaders talked about problems which confront the Governments of their two peoples. Among other things, they discussed sugar legislation in the United States; " the additional war damage claims bill now pending in the United States Congress; the steps which could be taken together to develop vigorous science programs for the Philippines and United States; the possible Peace Corps projects which will be discussed later in the week with Mr. [Sargent] Shriver [Director of the Peace Corps]; 73 possible legislation re-enacting the pre-war coconut oil tax refund; and legislation pending in the Philippine Congress on easing tobacco import restrictions. President Garcia is going to present to Vice President Johnson a memorandum on the possibilities of a more vigorous development program for Mindanao.74

Vice President Johnson assured President Garcia of the United States desire to approach all these matters in a spirit of constructive understanding and that he will report fully through appropriate channels upon his return to Washington.

"H.R. 11721, 87th Cong.. enacted as Public Law 87-616, approved Aug. 30, 1962 (to be printed in the 1962 Current Documents volume).

R. Sargent Shriver was in Manila May 14-16, 1961; he conferred with the Philippine Secretary of Foreign Affairs, May 15, and with the Philippine President, May 16, 1961. See the agreement relating to the establishment of a Peace Corps program in the Republic of the Philippines, effected by notes exchanged at Manila, Oct. 11 and 31, 1961 (TIAS 4889; 12 UST 1699).

"Not printed.

THAILAND

534. THAI-UNITED STATES DISCUSSIONS ON THEIR "WORK FOR AN HONORABLE PEACE IN SOUTHEAST ASIA": Joint Communiqué Issued at Bangkok by the Prime Minister of Thailand (Sarit) and the Vice President of the United States (Johnson), May 18, 1961 "

75

The Vice President of the United States and the Prime Minister of Thailand have completed a series of meetings during the Vice President's visit to Thailand over the past two days. Their discussions covered many subjects of common interest, and reflected mutual objectives and undertakings of both Governments.

The Vice President stressed that the President of the United States had sent him on this mission to inform the Prime Minister personally and directly of the United States Government's complete understanding of Thailand's concern over the threats to peace and security in Southeast Asia, and conveyed the President's intense interest in the preservation of the independence and political integrity of Thailand and the other free countries of Southeast Asia.

Vice President Johnson also stressed that he had come at the personal request of President Kennedy to obtain the counsel of Prime Minister Sarit on what should be done in the immediate future to meet our common problems. Further, he stressed that he would report the views of the Prime Minister to President Kennedy.

The Vice President expressed his great appreciation for the amount of time, as well as the serious attention, which the Prime Minister and his colleagues devoted to these discussions. He also expressed gratitude for the warmth of the reception of the people of Thailand.

The Vice President noted that Thailand has made great social and economic progress. He cited the advances of Thailand in the fields of education, health, finance and economic development.

The Vice President expressed his interest in the challenge of the development of northeast Thailand where opportunities for development are being sought under the leadership of the Prime Minister.76

At the conclusion of their talks, the Prime Minister and the Vice President agreed to the release of a joint communique covering the following points:

(1) Both Governments found mutual understanding regarding the serious situation existing in parts of Southeast Asia. They reached full accord on Thai-United States objectives of peace and independence, and agreed that both Governments should work for these objectives.

75

* Department of State Bulletin, June 19, 1961, pp. 958-959. Vice President Johnson was in Bangkok, May 16-18, 1961; he held a news conference, May 17, 1961. For his itinerary, see footnote 2 to doc. 455, ante.

76

For a Department of State announcement of the departure, June 23, 1961, of a special economic mission to Thailand under the leadership of Howard R. Bowen, see the Department of State Bulletin, July 17, 1961, p. 118.

(2) Both Governments recognize that the foundation of freedom rests on the adequate education of the young, the health of the people, and the improvement in the standards of livelihood of the people. Both Governments pledged their diligent efforts to the advance of education, health, communications, and other fields of modern progress in Thailand.

(3) The United States Government expressed its determination to honor its treaty commitments to support Thailand-its ally and historic friend-in defense against subversion and Communist aggression. (4) Both Governments recognize the utmost importance of preserving the integrity and independence of Thailand.

(5) Both Governments reiterated their determination to fulfill their SEATO commitments and to go forward in steadfast partnership.

(6) Both Governments examined possible ways to strengthen Thai defense capabilities, agreed to explore ways in which this might be achieved through greater joint efforts and mutual sacrifices and the military assistance program involving the armed forces.

(7) Both Governments expressed approval of specific joint economic projects such as irrigation projects in the northeast and the new thermal power plant, which are being developed in Thailand, as well as the planning, the setting up of projects under the Peace Corps program."

The Vice President and the Prime Minister rededicated themselves to work for an honorable peace in Southeast Asia, and to intensify the efforts of their countries for the defense and progress of the free nations of this region.

Finally, they agreed on the desirability of regular consultation with as much frequency as may be practicable.

TIBET

535. UNITED STATES VIEWS ON THE SITUATION IN TIBET: Statement Made by the U.S. Representative (Plimpton) Before the U.N. General Assembly, December 19, 1961 (Excerpts) 78

As the General Assembly turns to consider the sufferings of the Tibetan people, we should look at the tragic events in that country in the light of the United Nations Charter. The Charter pledges us all to respect human rights and fundamental freedoms for all, without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion. It pledges us all to

"R. Sargent Shriver, Director of the Peace Corps, was in Bangkok, May 12-14, 1961; he conferred with the Deputy Prime Minister of Thailand, May 13, 1961. See the agreement relating to the establishment of a Peace Corps program in Thailand, effected by notes exchanged at Bangkok, Nov. 20 and 28, 1961 (TIAS 4929; 12 UST 3225).

"U.N. doc. A/PV.1084, pp. 1120–1123.

enable all peoples to advance to self-government and self-determination and thus to the full enjoyment of their innate human rights.

In no other respect has the Charter, in the sixteen years of the United Nations, been so amply fulfilled, for the world has experienced the most sweeping and hopeful political transformation of modern times, as the light of freedom and independence has for the first time shone on huge realms of Asia and Africa. That great transformation has been dramatically reflected in the United Nations itself. Fully one third of the Members have gained their independence and have joined the United Nations since the Charter was written in 1945.

Much remains to be done, and many problems remain to be solved. before the great transformation in Africa and Asia is complete. The General Assembly has overwhelmingly expressed itself on the urgency of these tasks, and the United States has been happy and proud to range itself with the great majority sentiment which spurs on that march to freedom. Yet it is a tragic fact that there are vast areas of the world where the light of freedom has been virtually extinguished by a ruthless totalitarian movement. Foremost among these areas is the mainland of China, whose present rulers, as our recent debates have shown, have certainly not advanced their prospects for admittance to the United Nations by their massive contempt for human rights.

In particular, it is our duty to consider the warlike attempt of these same Chinese Communist rulers to subjugate the traditionally autonomous people of Tibet, and to extinguish their right to live and worship as they choose. As custodians of the Charter, we can do no less. It is no use saying that Tibet is a long way off, or that it is comparatively inaccessible. Only this month, the Assembly agreed that the Charter is applicable even to the infinite reaches of outer space. Surely, then, it applies on any part of the surface of the earth, any place where man is. If Tibet is accessible to the invading aggressors from Communist China, it is accessible to the mind and the conscience of the United Nations.

I shall not attempt to recite in detail the history of Chinese Communist pressure on Tibet, which began in 1950, shortly after the Communist régime came to power in Peiping. By 1955 the Tibetans were in a state of grim struggle against Chinese Communist encroachments on their traditional way of life. In March 1959 the struggle erupted in open warfare as the Tibetans in the capital city of Lhasa rose in desperation against their foreign oppressors. The whole world waited anxiously as the Dalai Lama was hunted like a wild beast by his Chinese Communist pursuers through the mountain passes of Tibet before reaching safety in India. There, at last, the Dalai Lama was free to give the world the facts that the Chinese Communists had sought to conceal-that, under claims of democratizing Tibet, they had killed more than 65,000 Tibetans, destroyed more than 1,000 monasteries, herded Tibetan monks into forced labour on road gangs and

embarked on a systematic campaign to eradicate Tibetan Buddhism, and even the Tibetan race.

Such are the conclusions drawn by the International Committee of Jurists whose report was published in August 1960.79 It is an ugly story. But it has the ring of truth, and we all owe a great debt to the eminent jurists of many nations who had the courage to write this truth as they found it. And if anyone is inclined to doubt this story, let him reflect that it is tragically confirmed by the flight of more than 75,000 Tibetans who chose the outside world, of which they knew nothing, rather than submit to so-called "liberation" and "reform" at the point of Chinese Communist guns. And unknown thousands of their countrymen have died fighting for the same cause.

The jurists' report was completed in 1960. But we have ample evidence that there has been no improvement whatsoever in these conditions. Tibetans who still manage to escape to the free world provide us with fresh information about the situation of their homeland and their countrymen. They say that the resistance to Communist conquest continues. They tell of campaigns of ambush and raid-the tactics of a poorly armed but brave and determined people against an invading enemy superior in weapons and numbers. They tell of bloody reprisals when the Communists capture Tibetan patriots.

They report further that there has been no letup in the public humiliation of religious leaders and the suppression of religion. In fact, the Communists have proceeded to fill the shrines they first desecrated with their own propagandists who try to tell the Tibetan people that the Communist Party leaders are their new Tibetan gods.

It is clear from what these recent refugees say that the Chinese Communists have driven the active resistance fighters to remote areas. Most of the land has been put under the communist yoke. Now, say the Communists, they are "further consolidating the people's democratic dictatorship". This means, in communist jargon, that they are liquidating all traditional Tibetan influences and setting up the usual Communist police State.

Even the Communist puppets in Tibet are being cast aside, for the Chinese Communists have dissolved their Panchen Kanop Lija Committee (Preparatory Committee for the Autonomous Region of Tibet), headed by Panchen Erdeni, which in the name of "reform" served as a tool for Chinese Communist interests in opposition to the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan Government. "It has fulfilled its historic task", blandly announced the Chinese Communist State Council.

But evidently all is not well in this new "people's paradise". Up to the autumn of 1960 the Chinese rulers were determined on a quick and ruthless collectivization of Tibetan agriculture. To this end, the first step was taken in the formation of so-called mutual aid teams. then the party line suddenly switched and it was announced that further steps "to turn the democratic revolution into the socialist revolu

See American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1959, p. 1168, footnote 5.

Doc. 535