under the present policy respecting them, is not more rational than to hope that God will work miracles to sanction a system of flagrant injustice. By what the slaves annually hear, they are told with sufficient plainness that it would be just and glorious in them to assert their rights by insurrection and violence. But the thought of an insurrection of two millions of slaves, determined to be free or perish in the attempt, must fill every benevolent mind with horror. Our white population therefore seem to be reduced to this alternative, either to rely on the same weapons for holding the Negroes in bondage which they employed for their own freedom, or to change their policy and diffuse the principles of forbearance and peace among all classes of people, whether bond or free. By the latter course insurrections of the slaves may be prevented, while patriotism, justice, and philanthropy are employed in gradually freeing the land from the reproach and the perils of the slaveholding system. It is worthy of particular notice that the slavery of the West Indies has become the subject of great attention in England; and that several months ago more than two hundred societies had been formed to effect its abolition. Besides, in favor of the abolition of slavery in our country, more than one hundred societies have been organized; and the greater part of these are in the slaveholding states. But, unless the saving principles of peace should be associated with the principles of emancipation, it is more than possible that the dangers of insurrection will be increased by the labors of abolition societies. All societies for charitable objects should be, in principle, in spirit, and in practice, peace societies; and it is worthy of consideration whether all our benevolent associations should not combine their influence for the diffusion of pacific sentiments, and for the extirpation of slavery. By such a combination great things might be effected. The influence would soon. extend to public men and public measures, and cause a philanthropic revolution in this land, and perhaps throughout the world. It is well known that many are of opinion, that the number of the slaves is so great, that their emancipation is impossible. But were it certain that the United States are unable to emancipate all their slaves, this would be no reason why they should not do to the extent of their ability. If they can redeem ten, fifty, or a hundred of Americans, who happen to be enslaved in Africa, they can doubtless redeem as great a number of Africans, enslaved in America. But the stupendous canals of New York, effected by a single state in a short time, now stand as witnesses to prove, that the United States, if duly engaged for the purpose, could effect the emancipation of all their slaves in less than forty years. That the volcano will explode, if not prevented by the exertions of justice and benevolence, is about as certain as that the sun will rise to-morrow. Surely no exertions and no expense should be spared, which may be necessary to prevent such scenes of horror as would naturally result from a general and determined insurrection of the slaves. And if the Massachusetts Peace Society may be instrumental in preventing so great a calamity, they will not have laboured in vain. Since our last anniversary it has pleased God to remove by death several of our respected members, among whom were the Hon. Thomas Dawes, the Hon. David Sewall, and the Rev. Dr. Parish. Judge Dawes had for nine years sustained the office of our vice president; and by him was delivered our first anniversary address-replete with humane and correct sentiments. Judge Sewall obtained a high rank among the worthies of this country; and by letters written after he was eighty years of age, he evinced a deep interest in the principles of peace, and an ardent desire for their ultimate triumph. Dr. Parish was for several years a respected member of the executive committee, and president of the Byfield Branch. At home and abroad, in private conversation and in public discourses, his eloquence was displayed in portraying the evils of war and the blessings of peace. Such were his views of the transcendant importance of the objects of the society, that for their advancement, he could in the most cordial manner cooperate with brethren who were known to dissent from his avowed opinions on some interesting points of theological controversy. He justly regarded the principles and spirit of peace as the essence of the christian religion. In concluding this report it may be proper to notice the noble monuments of beneficence and peace, lately erected in this vicinity and in other sections of our country. A few years ago the people of the United States and their neighbors in the British provinces were suddenly transformed from friends to political enemies, by the magical influence of a war manifesto. In consequence of this, the opposing parties invaded the territories of each other with fire and sword-spreading around them affliction and horror, devastation and death. After several years of conflict and distress, a proclamation of peace. converted these enemies again into friends-and required them to cease from destroying one another. The flood of hostile passions gradually subsided, and the tide of brotherly affection resumed its former course. Recently thousands of our former enemies in New Brunswick, were brought to the verge of despair by the unprecedented ravages of fire. The distressing intelligence reached the ears of our citizens. Philanthropy awoke, and ships were soon seen on their way to the afflicted province-freighted indeed-not with hostile bands and engines of death, but the fruits of good will to menwith means of life, subsistence and comfort to suffering brethren! Such are thy monuments, O Peace! Monuments which neither excite nor cherish hostile passions, nor provoke revenge, but conciliate esteem-obliterate prejudices-excite grateful emotions, and inspire confidence. They are not preparations for war, but preparations for peace, which will long stand as towers of defence and walls of salvation, to prevent future hostilities. And, by contrast, they exhibit war as the scourge of nations-the bane of happiness, the foe of man, and the reproach of our species. The letter from the Boston committee, which accompanied the first supplies for the New Brunswick sufferers was feelingly answered by a letter from a committee of his Majesty's Council; at the close of which they express the earnest hope" that the only contest which may hereafter arise between our free and happy countries may be, who shall best promote the general interests of mankind." If such sentiments should be duly reciprocated, cherished, and extended, the present peace between the two nations will never again be interrupted; and by similar means peace may become a permanent blessing throughout the world. Officers for 1826. Hon. RICHARD SULLIVAN, President. Rev. Noah Worcester, D. D. First Corresponding Secretary. John Tappan, Esq. Vice President. Mr. David Reed, Treasurer. Do. Do. Do. Rev. John Foster, D. D. Rev. Abiel Holmes, D. D. Rev. Noah Worcester, D. D. Rev. John Foster, D. D. Rev. Ezra Ripley, D. D. Rev. John Pierce, D. D. Mr. Joseph Baker, Executive Committee. THE ART OF PREVENTING SLAVE INSURRECTIONS-ILLUSTRATED IN FOUR NEGRO CONSULTATIONS. Meeting I-CESAR and HENRY. CESAR, (alone, talking to himself.) I cannot, I will not endure such treatment much longer. To be so abused by a man younger, no better, and not half so stout as myself, is too much for African blood to bear. HENRY. (Overhearing Cesar, approaches and addresses him.) What, Cesar, is the matter? I am sorry to see my friend so troubled. CESAR. Matter enough, Henry, my master went this morning to greet General Lafayette, and to praise him for fighting for liberty. He returned half intoxicated and abused me and others of his slaves for only intimating how happy we should be if we could share in the freedom for which the good General fought. He even threatened to sell us to the New Orleans' slave-traders, and said he would break our heads if we should say another word on the subject. You know, Henry, that the slaves in this state are nearly as numerous as the white people; and they are much more inured to hardships and privations. It is time for us to assert our rights. If you will join me, we will see what can be done. At worst, we can only lose our lives, and, as the white "It is better to die fighting for liberty, than to live slaves." We shall have the principles and the examples of the white men to justify our conduct. men say, HENRY. I know very well, Cesar, that the slaves have more reason to complain than the white men had when they made war for liberty; and I have been astonished that they should dare to talk as they do before us, of the justice and the glories of their war. I have a great desire to be a freeman, and to see all the slaves liberated. But, my friend, we are not prepared for war; and I fear that we should not succeed were we to make the attempt. Besides, I have a kind master and mistress. When he returned from his visit to Lafayette, he cast his eyes on me with a look of compassion and regret. His benignant countenance seemed to Vol. IV. No. 7. 28 say, "I know the slaves have more reason to be dissatisfied than the white men had when General Lafayette fought for them; I will do all I can to make them happy." My master has taught me to read and write-granted me many privileges, and he enables me to do good to other slaves. He confides in me as his friend. How can I render evil for good, and expose him and his family to perish by violence? CESAR. You know, Henry, that but few slaves have such a master as yours; and can you be willing to see so many abused from year to year, through fear that your master would be destroyed in the case of an insurrection? I will, however, engage to do all I can to save your master and mistress. If you and our friend ALFRED will join me, I shall be willing that both of you should be above me in command. With him and you for leaders, I think we may find the way to freedom and glory. I know we have not been trained to war, and shall be in want of arms. So it was with the white men in their Revolution; but God favored their cause, provided arms for them, and gave them victory. As we are much more oppressed than they were, we may expect that God will favour us; and that foreign Lafayettes will come to our aid. Indeed, to be consistent, I think that all or nearly all the white men must be on our side; and should this be the case, we shall have but little fighting to do. HENRY. I know that Alfred is an able, prudent, and worthy man. I shall rely much on his opinion. If you please we will consult him to-morrow evening. Should he think favorably of our project, and consent to be our CHIEF, I will do my duty. He is not only able and enterprising, but he is a very religious man, and I know he wishes to see all the slaves happy. But he has lived near a worthy Quaker, who has been very friendly to him, and done much to improve his mind I do not know that Alfred has imbibed the Quaker principle relating to war; he is, however, frank and honest, and will tell us his mind freely. CESAR. We will then consult him as you propose. I know he is a religious man, and that he has a Quaker friend. But religious men among the white people thought it right to engage in a war for liberty;-even ministers of the gospel encouraged the war by preaching and praying, and some of them even by fighting; I am not without fears that Alfred has imbibed the Quaker principle; but I have been told that General Green and General Mifflin were Quakers,--yet in a war for liberty they took an active part. Should Alfred engage with us, he may become the LIBERATOR and FATHER of his country. HENRY. Another thought has occurred to me. Alfred has a portion of white blood in his veins. On his father's side he is supposed to have descended from one of the first families in the It was abominable in his father to entail slavery on such These things may have some influence on his mind, and state. a son. |