an approximation to a state of universal peace. But evils some times bear their own antidote; and thus the folly of war has been made obvious to the common sense of mankind, by the demonstrative evidence of plain facts, and the bitter experience f the misery which it has produced, even where the plea of neces sity has justified the measure, and glory rewarded ifs vigorous; prosecution. Expediency has always been alleged as the founda tion on which states have marshalled their forces in Battle-array against each other; and when success crowns the efbrts of one party, ambition and revenge never failed to supply new motives and excuses to both for the continuance of hostilitjes,” It' is] therefore manifest that this moral pest, which has for so many ages been the opprobrium of civilized, and the curse of sta age nations, cannot be effectually removed, but by the upton of barrier composed of simple and immutable principles The fundamental position, that War is an evil, necessary im plies the duty of avoiding it. Instead of which, all history modern as well as ancient, proves how indifferent metr have been in regard to this obligation. Instead of contemplating war with horror, and endeavouring to avert it, most nations, and mone more than our own, have brought it on themselves by a fancied sense of honour insuited, danger to be apprehended, or of wrongs to be avenged. One of the greatest statesmen Britain ever had, was harrassed out of his situation, on account of the firm Stand which he made against the popular frenzy; and it is not a little remarkable, that while in France and England the propensity to war was general, the two ministers of those countries, Cardinal Fleury and Sir Robert Walpole, laboured by their public exertions and p ivate correspondence to maintain peace. At a subsequent period, a violent clamour was raised against his late Majesty, and his confidential servants, for only manifesting an inclination to put an end to the calamity of war. Happily the dawn of better times has begun to beam upon us and I cannot but think that the executive government and legis lative assemblies of this great nation are entitled to the grateful thanks of the community, for having resisted the impetuous call made upon them to engage in another contest, the end of which neither we, nor our children, perhaps, might have lived to witness, It requires no deep skill in political science to shew that: Britain gains more respect to herself, and will ultimately render more effectual benefit to the family of nations, by maintaining this course of dignified neutrality, than she could possibly tlo,, were she to rush, upon every plausible pretext, into a conflict with powers who act as though they aimed at the renewal of hostili ties. In her present position, and by her increasing strength this country holds such a check upon inordinate ambition, sca not but afford effectual security to the inferior states; while he force of her example operates in the most salutary manner upon. the greatest; and of this many evidences might be adduced sufficient to convince every unbiassed person who has the happiness of mankind at heart, that Peace under all circumstances is the true interest of Britain, and that by adhering inflexibly to this line of policy, the King, his ministers, and the parliament, have done more for the world than could have been achieved by a thousand splendid victories. The most extensively beneficial results may therefore be reasonably expected from such firm but moderate councils, as a perseverance in them must in time wean men from thoughts of war, and bring them to that spirit of calm and considerate deliberation which is so favourable to Peace. I shall conclude these desultory reflections with the words of the great writer already quoted. "As war is the last of remedies, cuncta prius tentando, all lawful expedients must be used to avoid it As war is the extremity of evil, it is surely the duty of those whose station intrusts them with the care of nations, to avert it from their charge." June 1, 1823. W. ON THE CHINESE EMPIRE. [To the Editor of the Herald of Peace.] SIR,-Will you indulge a former Correspondent, by placing the following question before your readers ? If it be true that kingdoms and states, like individuals, have their periods of youth, manhood, decay and dissolution, what is the reason that while the four great monarchies have successively risen and decayed, there should be in the East an empire established before them, which has seemed to " flourish in immortal youth," preserving an uniform maturity from age to age, and exhibiting at the present hour every appearance of vigour, of resources, of immense population, and of permanency? The empire to which I allude, is China. If there be no effect without an adequate cause, allow me again to ask, what that cause can be which thus preserves China, amidst the revolving ages of the world, an empire which seems (unlike the short-lived monarchies of the West) established upon some durable basis? It is certainly not a little remarkable, that though the Chinese have known something of bloodshed in their history; yet in their general intercourse with other nations, they have manifested a decided determination to adhere to pacific measures; and it does not appear that they could be easily tempted to swerve from this plan of conduct. Whether this pacific principle is the cause of the permanency of their kingdom, is a question which remains for further investigation; but it may be worth our notice to observe, that the four monarchies (I mean of Babylon, Persia, Greece, and Rome) having been engaged in almost incessant wars, they may perhaps be considered as having been the victims of premature decay, their warlike principles carrying with them the seeds of a constitutional decline. Should this proposition be established, it may open to our view a heart-cheering prospect; as in that case it may be supposed that if other nations had only sufficient wisdom to adopt the same regulations, and reduce to practice the pacific principle adopted by the Chinese, it might reasonably be expected that their posterity would reap all the advantages which are conferred by a state of permanent peace, of which that peaceable and enduring empire has furnished so unique an example. Information from any of your correspondents relative to this interesting nation, as connected with the subject of peace, will be very gratifying to, Sir, Your obliged Servant, ELIZABETH. EXAMPLE OF OVERCOMING EVIL WITH GOOD. "During the disputes which usually attend the election of an emperor of Germany, Soleure, having taken the part of Lewis of Bavaria, in the fourteenth century was besieged by Leopold of Austria. Whilst the siege was carrying on, a great inundation of the Aar swept away the works, bridges, boats, warlike machines of the besiegers, and brought into jeopardy many soldiers and artificers. In the midst of this disaster, the people of Soleure, forgetting that the sufferers were their besieging enemies, employed every method to save them from destruction, and actually rescued many of them from perishing. Struck by this singular act of humanity, Leopold desisted from his attacks, requested to be admitted as a friend, with thirty attendants, within the town, presented a banner to the town's people, and ratified with them a treaty of peace and amity."—Šimond's Travels in Switzerland. HANTS PEACE SOCIETY. Officers appointed for the present year. Rev. G. L. Wiggins, Rawdon, President. Rev. John Sprout, Presby. Minister, Vice Presidents. George G. Gauld, Secretary and Treasurer. THE Committee of Hants Peace Society in making their first report, feel anxious to give to the public all the information in their power. From the small means which they possess, they feel great diffidence; but they conceive the object of the institution so highly laudable, that they are willing to record their labours. Little has yet been effected through their means; yet they trust they have not betrayed the confidence reposed in them. By the removal of the Rev. G. L. Wiggins from this place, the Society sustained an irreparable loss, which will be long felt. Your Committee will however be proud to give a detail of their proceedings. Immediately after the formation of the Society, the Secretary opened a correspondence with the London, and Massachusetts Societies, which was promptly answered by the corresponding Secretaries of both, who also forwarded a small supply of tracts which were immediately put in circulation :-The Secretary addressed Circulars to gentlemen in several parts of the Province, and inclosed to each a set of tracts; to some of these, answers were immediately sent; but many of them are yet unanswered. From this circumstance your committee feel themselves justified in believing that by many, the principles of the Society are not approved, but the communications which the Secretary has received, invariably give the most cordial approval of the objects of the Parent Institution; but with one exception, no attempts have been made to form Societies in other parts of the province. Our correspondence with the Massachusetts Society, has been interrupted for some time-the importation of tracts not being allowed; but our intercourse with the London Society is more regular. Another small supply of tracts has been received, part of these have been put in circulation: but from the peculiar circumstances in which the Secretary has been lately placed, he has not been able to pay that attention which he ought or otherwise would have done, to this part of his duty. The experience of more than a year will enable the Society to judge whether any beneficial alteration can be made in the constitution of the Society: they would also recommend the propriety of appointing a President to fill the place of the Rev. G. L. Wiggins. Your Committee would wish to impress on the minds of the Society the object in which they are engaged-this is no less than the promotion of Permanent and Universal Peace on scripture grounds, or in the words of the heralds who announced the SavTour's birth, Peace on earth and good will amongst men.' This cannot be more effectually promoted than by our exemplifying in our intercourse with mankind, the temper which we avow in our social capacity. If we are real lovers of Peace, then may we on all proper occasions urge the claims, which our Society has on the patronage of Christians of all denominations; but unless we study this temper, our own conduct will destroy the usefulness of the Institution. Vol. IV. No. 1. 3 Your Committee would wish to state explicitly, that in promoting this object, they are advocating the best interests of mankind. The real object of the divine founder of our religion was to save life; the consequence of war has always been a waste of human life, together with all the other miseries attendant on this scourge of our race. They do not consider themselves called on to oppose the just commands of their superiors, and they trust they will always be found ready to obey the ordinances of men for Christ's sake. They firmly believe that the scripture prophecy will be fulfilled when nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more. With this conviction on their minds they consider themselves called to assist in all ways which may be in their power to forward this most desirable object; and however despicable and small these exertions may appear, they believe that Providence will make use of the agency of men in bringing about this desirable end, when wars shall cease to the ends of the earth. REVIEW OF THE RIGHTS OF CONQUEST. THE usages of warring nations have given a kind of sanction to what are called the rights of conquest. These imaginary rights, however, have varied with the progress of light and civilization-and this, too, in a manner which affords ground for believing, that the whole of the barbarous code will be eventually exploded. In ancient times, these rights were supposed to extend to the lives and possessions of a conquered people. Captives were slain, the inhabitants of a conquered territory were exterminated, and their lands and all their possessions became the property of the conqueror. At a subsequent period the right of killing captives was relinquished as barbarous, and the right of enslaving them was assumed and substituted, as more humane or more profitable. The possessions of the conquered were still held as the right of the conqueror and subject to his disposal. In modern times the right of enslaving captives has been partially exploded. Mahometan states, indeed, still claim and exercise this barbarous right; but in Christendom the practice is abhorred; and captives are considered as prisoners of war, to be exchanged when convenient, or released at the close of the contest. Besides, the rights of conquest are not at present generally supposed to extend to the pri |