works?" "They be idle; therefore they cry, saying, let us go and sacrifice to our God." The gang of equestrians may carry five or ten thousand dollars from a single city as the reward of their dexterity; they may even carry it out of the country too; and no remonstrance is made by a certain class of persons. But let a society of religious females raise a hundred dollars, for the support of missionaries abroad, and a sorrowful complaint is heard, that so much money should be carried out of the country for so useless a purpose. A day is coming, when all vain pretences will be brushed away like a spider's web, and when the real motives of action will be disclosed.

The argument of Dr. B. reminded us of a passage in Dr. Witherspoon's Characteristics, which we shall quote. Some of our readers may need to be informed, that the moderate party in Scotland greatly resembled the present liberal party in this country. The seventh maxim laid down by that great man, for the regulation of the moderate party, is as follows: "A moderate man must endeavor, as much as he handsomely can, to put off any appearances of devotion, and avoid all unnecessary exercises of religious worship, whether public or private."

While discussing this maxim, and urging it upon the moderate clergy, he thus addresses them:

"Being members of church judicatures, and we hope the majority in most of them, the moderate party can discourage and stifle all motions for extraordinary fasts or thanksgivings; which experience has taught us serve only to promote idleness and discourage industry. Upon the day that Henry V. fought at Agincourt, a solemn fast was kept in England for his success; and some historians are pleased to say, that the prayers of the nation had some share in procuring the victory; but later histories have disproved this; and now it can be demonstrated upon paper, that a fast day in Scotland loses 50,000. to the nation, while nobody can make any calculation what it wins." Witherspoon's Works, vol. iii, p. 235.

By the same process of calculation it can be made to appear, that every Last day costs the people of Massachusetts more than $100,000.

One of our correspondents was greatly perplexed several years. ago, in an attempt to learn what could be the real ground of opposition to conferences. It appear, on examination, that every one of the ostensible reasons, which are commonly assigned against them, may be alleged with much greater force against balls; which, however, the enemies of conferences are very willing to tolerate. After the production of nine or ten of these reasons, and a satisfactory conclusion that they could not be the true reasons, our correspondent gave up the pursuit in despair. We quote a paragraph as applicable to the subject before us:

"I had heard it said, that people neglect their business to attend night-meetings; that they spend more time than they can afford, more than they ought to afford: in short, that conferences are too expensive. VOL. XIII.

17

But I soon perceived, that this objection could be sincere only on the ground of the excess of the expense of conferences above that of balls; for though the one class of associations costs time chiefly, and the other money chiefly, yet if, in fact, they are equally expensive, then, so far as relates to expense, they should be equally condemned, or equally tolerated. As it seemed clear to me, that the time, and extraordinary dress, and immediate expense, of four balls, would ex ceed the expense of two hundred evening conferences, I was forbid den to conclude, that people, who are able to estimate relative ex penses as well as myself, could satisfy themselves in their opposition to conferences, on the ground of economy. Especially, since tea parties and evening visits, commonly occupy as much time without censure, as is devoted to religious meetings, though the expense be far greater." Panoplist for Dec. 181, p. 296.

In his address to farmers and mechanics, Dr. Bancroft says: "Worldly employment is incumbent on you through the week. On the six days, therefore, your advantages for the acquisition of knowledge must be comparatively small, and your opportunities few for close and continued meditations upon religious subjects.' p. 31. Now Dr. B. cannot be ignorant, that farmers and many mechanics are not able to pursue their labors after dark. He knows very well, that these classes of persons have long winter evenings at their disposal; and as he has told them, that their religious advantages during the week are small, what reasonable objection can he have to their spending in religious meetings some part of that time, which cannot be devoted to their worldly employments?

Considering the general character of the party to which Dr. Bancroft is attached, we were not a little surprised to read the following sentence: "Catechisms put into your hands will afford you some assistance in the endeavor to establish in their tender minds the great doctrines of the Gospel, and the important duties of the Christian character, and to give them some worthy apprehensions of God who made them, and of the Savior who died to open for their entrance the gate of immortality." p. 34. It seems lawful, then, to make use of catechisms, notwithstanding some clergymen of the liberal party are accustomed to speak of them with supreme contempt; nay more, it is lawful to put catechisms into the hands of parents, to assist in the religious education of children. These catechisms to contain the great doctrines of the Gospel, and to impart worthy apprehensions of God, and of the Savior. Of course they must contain a creed: yes, a Christian creed, that object most odious and abhorred in the view of the liberal party, is now recommended by Dr. Bancroft to be put into the hands of parents and children. As this creed is to impart worthy apprehensions of Christ, it would seem that it must teach the character of Christ, and as it is designed for children, it would seem necessary that it should be plain, precise, and definite. We hope, therefore, that Dr. B. will never be found joining in the senseless clamor against creeds and catechisms.

Dr. B. is speaking of children.

However we may differ from Dr. Bancroft in other things, we are happy to agree with him respecting the perpetual authority of the fourth commandment. It has been a favorite object with some of his liberal brethren, both in Europe and America, to deny that the Sabbath is binding upon the Christian world. They urge, in substance, that it was abolished with the ceremonial observances of the Jews. But Dr. B. holds to the fourth commandment in the strictest sense; not only that it enjoins the observation of the Sabbath, but that it compels all men to labor "every portion of the six days." Though we cannot accede to the latter part of this statement without qualification, we most cordially unite with him in urging the duty of keeping the Sabbath holy. As exertions are now making to prevent violations of the sacred rest, we cannot but desire that he and his friends should add the weight of their influence. Unless we are altogether deceived, this would be a much greater service to the church and the community, than any which can be rendered by opposing religious meetings on the other days of the week.

XCVI. Neal's History of the Puritans. Vol. II. Boston; 1817. 8vo. pp. 600. Price $2 in boards.

(Continued from p. 82.)

THIS volume embraces the period from the death of Elisabeth to the commencement of the civil war in 1642, including some of the most eventful years of English history. It contains an account of those persecutions, which led to the settlement of New-England, and drove into exile such men as Robinson, Cotton, Norton, Hooker, Mather, &c.-men of great learning, eminent piety, and unwearied application to their pastoral duties. It lays before the reader, in chronological order, the principal facts which rendered the administration of Laud so odious to the British nation, and will cause his name to be abhorred through all succeeding ages. It exhibits the process by which two weak kings, under the influence of bigoted and unprincipled counsellors, were able gradually to disaffect the nation towards those forms of government in church and state, which had been previously established by long usage with the universal and hearty concurrence of the people. To whatever else the revolution, which brought Charles to the block, may be ascribed, it ought not to be ascribed to popular fickleness. The best part of the nation had groaned long under oppression; and there was in fact no probable method of obtaining redress, but by depriving the king and his minions of their power. The political troubles of that period were in a great measure owing to the antipathy, which proud, insolent, ambitious dignitaries of the church felt to real religion. Had there been less virtue, integrity, and conscientiousness, on the part of the non-conformists of those days, there would have been less resistance to superiors, and less exasperation and oppression on their

part. Persecution will not be long continued against those, who yield readily to the wishes of their persecutors.

There are two points of comparison between the tendency of Calvinism and that of Arminianism, which the volume before us brings forcibly to mind, and which it may be proper to mention. The first is, that Arminianism, like other errors, spreads much more rapidly by secret arts, and in silence, than by open manly controversy. This has uniformly been the case. Mr. Neal says, in his preface, speaking of the times succeeding Archbishop Bancroft's persecutions,

"Arminianism was at this time both a church and state faction; the divines of this persuasion, apprehending their sentiments not very consistent with the received sense of the thirty-nine articles, and being afraid of the censures of a Parliament or convocation, took shelter under the prerogative, and went into all the slavish measures of the court to gain the royal favor, and to secure to their friends the chief preferments in the church. They persuaded his majesty to stifle the predestinarian controversy, both in the pulpit and press, and would, no doubt, in a few years have got the balance of numbers on their side, if, by grasping at 100 much, they had not precipitated both church and state into confusion." P. viii

The Scriptures have repeatedly given it as a distinguishing characteristic of religious error, that it is accustomed to creep in privily. Thus it was with Arminianism in Great Britain, and in this country. Thus it has been with Socinianism, We do not deny, that champions of both these schemes have been frank and bold: we speak of the generality of the ministers, who have been engaged in making proselytes to these sects, when they have been a minority. But look at the records of Calvinism. Have its advocates been afraid or ashamed to avow their opinions, and to propagate them openly, though in ever so small a minority?

Again; it is notorious, that Laud and the other violent Arminians were desirous of abolishing the strict observance of the Sabbath, by inducing the people to engage in plays and sports on that day; while the Calvinists, that is the doctrinal purtans, as they were called, were remarkably strict in observing the Sabbath, and in all the duties of Christianity. Indeed, a strictly sober, devout, religious life exposed any man, whether of the clergy or laity, to ridicule, obloquy, suspicion, and persecution. Among the reasons why the more pious part of the community rejoiced at the fall of the bishops, the historian assigns the following: "Because they made a stricter inquiry after those who fasted and prayed, and joined together in religious exercises, than after those who were guilty of swearing, drunkenness, and oth-inds of debauchery; and because they discouraged afternoon sermons and lectures, and encouraged sports and pastimes on the Lord's day." p. 533.

We copy the following account of Dr. Leighton's trial, as a specimen of the kind of justice, which was administered by the star-chamber.

“But Dr. Alexander Leighton, a Scots divine, and father of the worthy and celebrated prelate of that name, so highly commended by Bishop Burnet in the history of his Life and Times, met with severe usage in the star-chamber, for venturing to write against the hierarchy of the church. This divine had published during the last session of parliament, an appeal to the parliament; or, Zion's plea against prelucy, wherein he speaks not only

with freedom, but with very great rudeness and indecency against Bishops; calling them sex of blood, and saying, that we do not read of a greater persecution and higher indigni ties done towards God's people in any nation than in this, since the death of Queen Elise abeth. He calls the prelacy of the church antichristian. He declaims vehemently against ganous and ceremonies; and adds, that the church has her laws for the house of God. He styles the queen a daughter of Heth, and concludes with saying, what pity it is that so ingenuous and tractable a king should be so monstrously abused by the bishops, to the undoing of himself and his subjects Now though the warmth of these expressions cau no ways be justified, yet let the reader consider whether they bear any proportion to the Bentence of the court. The cause was tried June 4, 1630. The defendant, in his answer, oned the writing of the book, denying any ill intention; his design being only to lay these things before the next parliament for their consideration. Nevertheless, the court adjudged unanimously, that for this offence the doctor should be committed to the prison of the Fleet for life, and pay a fine of ten thousand pounds; that the HIGH COMMISSION would degrade him from his ministry; and that then he should be brought to the pillory Westminster, while the court was sitting, and whipt; after whipping, be set upon the pillery a convenient time, and have one of his ears cut off, one side of his nose slit, and be branded in the face with a double S.S. for a sower of sedition: That then he should be carried back to prison, and after a few days be pilloried a second time in Cheapside, and be there likewise whipt, and have the other side of his nose slit, and his other ear cut off, and then be shut up in close prison for the remainder of his life. Bishop Land pulled off his cap while this merciless sentence was pronouncing, and gave God thanks for it!

"Between passing the sentence and execution, the doctor made his escape out of prison, but was retaken in Bedfordshire, and brought back to the Fleet. On Friday, Nov. 6, part of the sentence was executed upon him (says bishop Laud in his diary) after this manner: "He was severely whipt before he was put in the pillory. 2. Being set in the pillory, he had one of his ears out off. 3. One side of his nose slit. 4. Branded on the sheek with a red-hot iron with the letters S. S. On that day seven-night, his sores upon his back, ears, nose and face, being not yet cured, he was whipt again at the pillory in Cheapside, and had the remainder of his sentence executed upon him, by cutting off the other ear, slitting the other side of his nose, and branding the other cheek." He was then carried back to prison, where he continued in close confinement for ten years, till he was released by the long parliament. The doctor was between forty and fifty years of age, of low stature, a fair complexion and well known for his learning and other abili ties but his long and close confinement had so impaired his health, that when he was released he could hardly walk, see, or hear. The sufferings of this learned man moved the people's compassion; and, I believe, the records of the inquisition can hardly furnish an example of equal severity." pp. 235-237.

RELIGIOUS INTELLIGENCE.

EIGHTEENTH ANNUAL NARRATIVE OF MISSIONARY LABORS, PERFORMED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF THE TRUSTEES OF THE MISSIONARY SOCIETY OF CONNECTICUT.

(Concluded from p. 88.)

An extensive field is opening to the west and south, and a vast region of country yet lies waste. The people, though numerous, are, in a

great measure, destitute of Ministers, Bibles, and every means of religious instruction; and are, literally, perishing for lack of vision. The States of Tennessee, Kentucky, and Indiana, with the Missisippi, Illinois and Missouri territories, have been thought to open an ample field for missionary labors, which promises great good to souls. The Trustees have, accordingly, appointed some to visit those distant places. One of these is the Rev. Nathan B. Derrow. He commenced He, his tour to the west, from the Connecticut Reserve, last June. from thence, by a circuitous route, passed through the interior of Ohio to Indiana, as far as Jeffersonville. From thence he communi. cated an account of his journey and labors on the way, as well as his future prospects.