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Henry had tided over the initial difficulty, | army southward, crossed the Loire, and took up but at what a cost!-a virtual betrayal of his his winter quarters at Tours, the old capital of great cause. Was his way now smooth? No: Clovis. the Catholics he had not really conciliated; and the Protestants, who had but too good cause, stood in doubt of him. He had two manner of peoples around his standard, but neither was enthusiastic in his support, or could be expected to strike other than feeble blows. He had assumed the crown, but had to conquer the kingdom. The League, whose soldiers were in possession of Paris, still held out against him. To have gained the capital and displayed his standard on its walls would have been a great matter, but with an army dwindled down to a few thousands, and the Catholic portion but halfhearted in his cause, Henry dared not adventure on the siege of Paris. Making up his mind to go without the prestige of the capital meanwhile, he retreated with his little host into Normandy, the army of the League, in overwhelming numbers, pressing on his steps and hemming him in, so that he was compelled to give battle to them in the neighbourhood of Dieppe. Here, with the waters of the English Channel behind him, into which his foes hoped to drive him, God wrought a great deliverance for him. With only six thousand soldiers he discomfited the army of the League, thirty thousand strong, and won a great victory. If, with six thousand men, not a few of whom were lukewarm in his cause, he could vanquish an army of thirty thousand Catholics, there was surely little need to surrender his faith in order to open his way to the crown. He who had given him this victory could give him another, equally glorious, and yet another, till he should come to reign with honour. This was the lesson which the marvellous triumph which crowned his arms at the very outset of his career was meant to teach him. Faith in God is the highest wisdom.

This affair brought substantial advantages to Henry. It added to his renown in arms, already great. Soldiers began to flock to his standard, and he now saw himself at the head of twenty thousand men. Many of the provinces of France which had hung back till now recognized him as king. The Protestant States abroad did the same thing; and thus strengthened, Henry led his

Early next spring (1590) the king was again in the field. Many of the old Huguenot chiefs, who had left him when he entered into engagements with the Catholics, now returned, attracted by the vigour of his administration and the success of his arms. With this accession he deemed himself strong enough to take Paris, the possession of which would probably decide the contest. He began his march upon the capital, but was met by the army of the League (March 14, 1590) on the plains of IVRY. His opponents were in | greatly superior numbers, having been reinforced by Spanish auxiliaries and German reiter. Here a second great victory crowned the cause of Henry of Bourbon; in fact, the battle of Ivry is one of the most brilliant on record. Before going into action, Henry made a solemn appeal to Heaven touching the justice of his cause. "If Thou seest," said he, "that I shall be one of those kings whom thou givest in thine anger, take from me my life and crown together, and may my blood be the last that shall be shed in this quarrel." The battle was now to be joined, but first the Huguenots kneeled in prayer. "They are begging for mercy," cried some one. "No," it was answered; "they never fight so terribly as after they have prayed." A few moments, and the soldiers rose, and Henry addressed a few stirring words to them. "Yonder," said he, as he fastened on his helmet, over which waved his white plume, "yonder is the enemy; here is your king: God is on our side. Should you lose your standards in the battle, rally round my plume; you will always find it on the path of victory and honour." Into the midst of the enemy advanced that white plume; where raged the thickest of the fight, there was it seen to wave, and thither did the soldiers follow. After a terrible combat of two hours, the day declared decisively in favour of the king. The army of the League was totally routed, and fled from the field, leaving its cannon and standards behind it to become the trophies of the victors.

This victory, won over great odds, was a second lesson to Henry. It was meant to teach him that God was able to open his way through ever

so many foes, and over ever so great obstacles, to the peaceful possession of the throne of France, would he but follow him in a firm faith and a single aim. But Henry could cast from him neither his selfish objects nor his vain confidences. He could not trust God, because he could not give himself wholly to the cause of God. He was trying to profess two creeds, and " a doubleminded man is unstable in all his ways."

This fatal instability caused Henry to falter when he was on the point of winning all. Had he marched direct on Paris, the League, stunned by the blow he had just dealt it, would have been easily crushed; the fall of the capital would have followed, and Paris become the seat of his Government; his cause would have been completely triumphant. He hesitated-he halted; his enthusiasm seemed to have spent itself on the battle-field. He had won a victory, but his indecision permitted its fruits to escape him. All that year was spent in small affairs-in the sieges of towns which contributed nothing to his main object. The League had time to recruit itself; the Duke of Parma-the most illustrious general of the age-came to its help. Henry's affairs made no progress; and thus the following year (1591) was as uselessly passed as its predecessor. Meanwhile the unhappy country of Francedivided into factions, traversed by armies, devastated by battles-groaned under a combination of miseries. Henry's great qualities remained with him; his bravery and dash were shown on many a bloody field; victories crowded in upon him; fame gathered round the white plume: nevertheless his cause stood still. An eclipse seemed to rest upon the king, and a Nemesis appeared to dog his triumphal car.

With a professed Protestant upon the throne, one would have expected the condition of the Huguenots to be greatly alleviated; but it was

not so.

Henry, afraid of giving offence, would not openly show himself on the side of his brethren; and perhaps, in his anxiety to appear impartial, made the balance to incline against them. The concessions which might have been expected even from a Catholic sovereign were withheld by one who was professedly a Protestant. The Huguenots as yet had no legal security for their civil and religious liberties.

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The laws denouncing confiscation and death for the profession of the Protestant religion, re-enacted by Henry III., remained unrepealed, and were at times put in force by country magistrates and provincial parliaments. It sometimes happened that while in the camp of the king the Protestant worship was celebrated, a few leagues off the same worship was forbidden to a Huguenot congregation under severe penalties. The celebrated Mornay Duplessis well described the situation of the Protestants in these few words, "They had the halter always about their necks." The Huguenots grew weary of hearing stale reasons everlastingly pleaded for these great wrongs. Stung by the temporizing and heartless policy of Henry, they proposed to disown him as their chief, and to elect another protector of their churches. Henry professed to be hurt by this proposal, and certainly had reason to be alarmed by it; for had the Protestants abandoned him, his cause would have been ruined. To the Protestants the safety of the Reformed faith was the first thing; to Henry the possession of the throne was the first thing, and the Huguenots and their cause must wait. The question was, How long? The great Protestant we have named above, Mornay Duplessis, the wise and upright counsellor of Henry in his early days, thus admirably and touchingly stated the case of his brethren. "What!" said he, "the edicts by which they are proscribed are not to be authentically revoked, and yet the Reformed are advised to be patient. Have they not been so for the last fifty years? Does the king's service require that they should be patient under things of this nature? Are not their children to be baptized? Are not their marriages to be blessed by their pastors? Every hour of delay brings fresh trouble and suffering. If three families meet to pray for the prosperity of the king, if an artizan sings a psalm in his workshop, or a bookseller sells a French Bible, then come persecuting arrêts. The judges declare that so stands the law. Well, then, the law ought to be altered. Prompt remedies are required for such evils as these."

Religion-the fear of God-alone is wisdom. A man may have many gifts, a brilliant genius, and vast acquisitions, but wanting religion he lacks the regulating and directing power. Henry

had many splendid qualities, and was daily performing brilliant feats. The prowess of the "White Plume" was the talk of France and Christendom. But these achievements stood him in little stead. He had not an eye to see the great opportunity which Providence put in his power. Had he said, "I will abide in my faith and will establish religious liberty in France," he would have done it. France would have blessed his memory for ever. Those dark woes already showing themselves on the horizon's distant verge would have rolled away, and a long and uninterrupted day of prosperity would have shone upon that country. But Henry had neither the wisdom nor the courage for such a resolve. He halted between two opinions; and deserted of God, he was left to his own crooked policy.

ries which Henry could not erase, and deep convictions which he could not smother. The instructions and prayers of a mother, the ripened beliefs of a life-time, the obligations he owed to the Protestants, all must have presented themselves in opposition to the step he now meditated. Were all these pledges to be profaned? were all these hallowed bonds to be rent asunder? With the Huguenots how often had he deliberated in council; how often worshipped in the same sanctuary; how often fought on the same battlefield; their arms mainly it was that had raised him to the throne ;-was he now to forsake them? Great must have been the conflict in the mind of the king. But the fatal step had been taken four years before, when, in the hope of disarming the hostility of the Catholic lords, he consented to receive instruction in the Romish faith. hesitate in a matter of this moment was to surrender-was to be lost; and the choice which Henry now made is just that which it might have been expected he would make-Rome. There is reason to fear that he had never felt the power of the gospel upon his heart. His hours of leisure were often spent in adulterous pleasures. One of his mistresses was among the chief advisers of the step he was now revolving. What good would this Huguenotism do him? Would he be so great a fool as to sacrifice a kingdom for it? Listening to such counsels as these, he laid his birthright, where so many kings before and since have laid theirs, at the feet of Rome.

To

It was now four years since Henry after a sort had been King of France; but the peaceful possession of the throne was becoming less likely than ever. Every day the difficulties around him, instead of diminishing, were thickening. Even the success which had attended his arms appeared to be deserting him. Shorn of his locks, like Samson, he was winning brilliant victories no longer. What was to be done? this had now come to be the question with the king. Henry, to use a familiar expression, "was falling between two stools." The great Catholic chiefs were leaving him; and the Huguenots, who disliked the unequal distribution he made of his service, in giving all the burdens to one party, and all the rewards to another, were also beginning to It had been arranged that a conference comdraw off. The time had come for Henry to de- posed of an equal number of Catholic bishops clare himself, and to say whether he was to be and Protestant pastors should be held, and that Catholic, or whether he was to be Protestant. the points of difference between the two Churches There were not wanting weighty reasons, as they should be debated in the presence of the king. seemed, why the king should be the former. The This was simply a device to save appearances, for bulk of his subjects were Catholics; and by Henry's mind was already made up. When the being of their religion he would conciliate the day came the king forbade the attendance of the majority, put an end to the wars between the Protestants, assigning as a reason that he would two rival parties, and open to the country an not put it in the power of the bishops to say that outget from all its troubles. By this step only they had vanquished them in the argument. could he hope ever to make himself King of all The king's conduct throughout was marked by France. So did many around him counsel. His consummate duplicity. He invited the Reformed recantation would, to a large extent, be a matter to fast, in prospect of the coming conference, and of form, and by that form how many great ends pray for a blessing upon it; and only three of State should he serve! months before his abjuration, he wrote to the But on the other side there were sacred memo- pastors assembled at Samur, saying that he

would die rather than renounce his religion; and when the conference was about to be held, we find him speaking of it to Gabrielle d'Estrees, with whom he spent the soft hours of dalliance, in a light vein as an ecclesiastical tilt from which he expected no little amusement, and the denoûment of which was already fixed-"This morning I begin talking with the bishops. On Sunday I am to take the perilous leap,"-a leap into the abyss.

Henry IV. had the happiness to possess as counsellors two men of commanding talents. The first was the Baron Rosny, better known as the illustrious Sully. He was a statesman of rare genius. Like Henry, he was a Protestant; and he bore this further resemblance to his royal master, that his Protestantism was purely political. The other, Mornay Duplessis, was the equal of Sully in talent, but his superior in character.

He was inflexibly upright. These two men were much about the king at this hour; both felt the gravity of the crisis, but differed widely in the advice which they gave. "I can find," said Sully, addressing the king, "but two ways out of your present embarrassments. By the one you may pass through a million of difficulties, fatigues, pains, perils, and labours. You must be always in the saddle; you must always have the corslet on your back, the helmet on your head, and the sword in your hand. Nay, what is more, farewell to repose, to pleasure, to love, to mistresses, to games, to dogs, to hawking, to building; for you cannot come out through these affairs but by a multitude of combats, taking of cities, great victories, a great shedding of blood. Instead of all this, by the other way—that is, changing your religion—you escape all those pains and difficulties in this world; but as for the other world," said the courtier with a smile, to which the king responded by a laugh-"as for the other world, I cannot answer for that." Did either, asks the reader, seriously believe in the other world?

Mornay Duplessis counselled after another fashion. The side at which Sully refused to look -the other world—was the side which Duplessis mainly considered. He charged the king to serve God with a good conscience; to keep him before his eyes in all his actions; to attempt the union of the kingdom by the reformation of the Church,

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and so to set an example to all Christendom and posterity. "With what conscience," said he, can I advise you to go to mass if I do not first go myself; and what kind of religion can that be which is taken off as easily as one's coat." So did this great patriot and Christian counsel His advice would, in the end, have been best for both worlds.

But, alas! Henry was only playing with both his counsellors. His course was already irrevocably taken; he had set his face to go to Rome. On Thursday, July 22, 1593, he met the bishops, with whom he was to confer on the points of difference between the two religions. With a half malicious humour he would occasionally interrupt their harangues with a few puzzling questions. On the following Sabbath morning, the 25th, he repaired with a sumptuous following of men-at-arms to the church of St. Denis. The cathedral door was immediately opened on the king's knocking. The Bishop of Bourges met him at the head of a train of prelates and priests, and demanded to know the errand on which the king had come. Henry made answer, "To be admitted into the Church of Rome." He was straightway led to the altar, and kneeling on its steps, he swore to live and die in the Romish faith. The organ pealed, the cannon thundered, the warriors that thronged nave and aisle shouted and clashed their arms; high mass was performed, the king, as he partook, bowing down till his brow touched the floor, and a solemn TE DEUM concluded and crowned this grand jubilation.

The abjuration of Henry was viewed by the Protestants with mingled sorrow, astonishment, and apprehension. The son of Jeanne d'Albret, the foremost of the Huguenot chiefs, the knight of the white plume, to renounce his faith and go to Mass! How fallen! But Protestantism could survive apostasies as well as defeats on the battlefield; and the Huguenots felt that they must look higher than the throne of Henry IV., and, trusting in God, they took measures for the protection and advancement of their great cause. From their former compatriot and coreligionist, ever since, by the help of their arms, he had come to the throne, they had received little save promises. Rarely, alas! did performance wait on the royal word. Their religion was proscribed, their worship in

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which is common to all your subjects. The glory of God alone, liberty of conscience, repose to the state, security for our lives and property-this is the summit of our wishes, and the end of our requests."

The king still thought to temporize; but new successes on the part of the Spaniards admonished him that he had done so too long, and that the policy of delay was exhausted. The League hailed the Spanish advances, and the throne which Henry had secured by his abjuration he must save by Protestant swords. Accordingly, on the 15th April 1598 was this famous decree, the Edict of Nantes, styled "perpetual and irrevocable,” issued.

many instances forbidden, their children often | majesty for an edict by which we may enjoy that compulsorily educated in the Romish faith, their last wills made void, and even their corpses dug out of the grave and thrown like carrion on the fields. When they craved redress, they were bidden be patient till Henry should be stronger in the throne. His apostasy had brought matters to a head, and satisfied the Huguenots that they must look to themselves. The bishops had made Henry swear, "I will endeavour to the utmost of my power, and in good faith, to drive out of my jurisdiction, and from the lands under my sway, all heretics denounced by the Church." Thus the sword was again hung over their heads; and can we blame them if they now formed themselves into a political organization, with a general council, or parliament, which met every year to concert measures of safety, promote unity of action, and keep watch over the affairs of the general body? To Henry's honour it must be acknowledged that he secretly encouraged this Protestant League. An apostate, he yet escaped the infamy of the perse

cutor.

The Huguenot Council applied to Henry's government for the redress of their wrongs, and the restoration of Protestant rights and privileges. Four years passed away in these negotiations, which often degenerated into acrimonious disputes, and the course of which was marked (1595) by an atrocious massacre-a repetition, in short, of the affair at Vassy. At length Henry, sore pressed in his war with Spain, and much needing the swords of the Huguenots, granted an edict in their favour, styled, from the town from which it was issued, the Edict of Nantes, which was the glory of his reign. It was a tardy concession to justice, and a late response to complaints long and most touchingly urged. "And yet, sire," so their remonstrances among us we have neither Jacobins nor Jesuits, who aim at your life, nor Leaguers, who aim at your crown. We have never presented the points of our swords instead of petitions. We are paid with considerations of state policy. It is not time yet, we are told, to grant us an edict! Yet, oh, merciful God! after thirty-five years of persecution, ten years of banishment by the edicts of the League, eight years of the present king's reign, and four of persecutions. We ask your

ran,

"This Magna Charta," says Felice, "of the French Reformation, under the ancient regime, granted the following concessions in brief :-Full liberty of conscience to all; the public exercise of the 'religion' in all those places in which it was established in 1577, and in the suburbs of cities; permission to the lords high justiciary to celebrate divine worship in their castles, and to the inferior gentry to admit thirty persons to their domestic worship; admission of the Reformed to office in the state, their children to be received into the schools, and their sick into the hospitals, and their poor to share in the alms; and the concession of a right to print their books in certain cities." This edict further provided for the erection of courts composed of an equal number of Protestants and Catholics for the protection of Protestant interests, four Protestant institutions or colleges, and the right of holding a National Synod, according to the rules of the Reformed Faith, once every three years.

The edict does not come fully up

to our idea of liberty of conscience, but it was a liberal measure for the time. It put as a guarantee a number of towns into the hands of the Protestants. It was the Edict of Nantes much more than the abjuration of Henry which conciliated the two parties in the kingdom, and gave him the peaceful possession of the throne during the few years he was yet to occupy it.

The signing of this edict inaugurated an era of tranquillity and great prosperity to France. The twelve years that followed are perhaps the most glorious in the annals of that country since the

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