(2) less problem in avoiding INS, and (3) were likely to live

outside ethnic communities.

(North, 1976)

Motivation

An individual who decides to emigrate illegally to the U.S. may do so for a single reason or for several. However, the primary reason for the decision of the majority of illegals appears to be economic. This is attested to by INS data, e.g., number of apprehended illegals employed and number of illegals apprehended while seeking jobs. It is also supported by anecAdditional supporting evidence for this

dotal accounts.

belief can be obtained by comparing economic conditions in major sending countries with those in the U.S. (push-pull factors). While employment opportunities for illegal aliens in the U.S. may be poor by American standards, they are considerably better than those in the country of origin.

Data obtained by North in his interviews of 793 apprehended illegals strongly supports this belief. Seventy-four percent of those interviewed gave employment opportunities as the reason for emigration. When the responses were broken down by region of origin, however, some very interesting contrasts became apparent. Only twenty-three percent of Eastern Hemisphere respondents said that they had entered to find a job. Sixty percent of non-Mexican Western Hemisphere respondents also gave this as a primary motive. In contrast, eighty-nine

percent of the Mexican illegal aliens interviewed by North gave employment as the reason for emigration. The other responses for non-Mexican illegals interviewed by North were as follows: 17% to study, 15% to see the U.S., 6.5% to see relatives and 10% gave other reasons. (North, 1976)

Studies limited to Mexican illegals strongly emphasize (North,

the economic nature of the motivation to emigrate. 1976; Cornelius, 1976; Mexico, 1972; Samora, 1971) One study suggested two additional reasons for emigration. These were: a desire to escape parental authority and temporary emigration to the U.S. as a local tradition. (Cornelius, 1976)

The breakdown by area of origin (Eastern Hemisphere v. Western Hemisphere) confirms what we could logically expect. Most illegals from the Eastern Hemisphere fall into the visa abuser category, while Western Hemisphere illegals from Mexico and Canada usually enter without inspection. Other Western Hemisphere illegal aliens are more likely to be visa abusers. Sixty-one percent of all illegals are apprehended within seventy-two hours of entry. Most of these persons are Mexican EWI's caught at the border or in the border zone. (INS, 1975)

Entry Without Inspection (EWI)

Eighty-eight percent of the illegal aliens apprehended by INS are in this category. However, the pattern changes

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dramatically when the origin of the undocumented worker is taken into consideration. For example, very few Eastern Hemisphere apprehended illegals are EWI's (2.4%). On the other hand, twenty percent of Western Hemisphere illegals are in this category if Mexico and Canada are excluded. Forty percent of the Canadians are EWI's and ninety-six percent of Mexicans are in this category. (INS, 1975)

A large percentage of illegals entering from Mexico appear to be aided by smugglers. For a price, the smuggler indicates when, where, and how a group should attempt to cross. They are then met by a truck on the U.S. side. Transportation can be arranged as far north as Chicago and services frequently include some sort of forged document. It appears to cost somewhere between $200 to $300 depending on the services rendered. (Cornelius, 1976; Dagodag, 1975; Samora, 1971)

Visa Abusers and Malafide Entrants

A visa abuser enters on a legal visa, but then overstays or violates the conditions of his/her visa. Individuals in this group are overwhelmingly non-Mexican. Visa abusers are apprehended less frequently because of the nature of INS enforcement efforts. The category represents about twelve

percent of the illegals apprehended. 28

28 However, it should be noted that INS records indicate that Mexican unresolved departures total almost 400,000 since 1974. This data represents those holding documents.

A subcategory of visa abusers is malafide entrants. This includes those attempting entry with counterfeit or altered documents, as imposters, by false verbal or documented claims to U.S. citizenship, or with valid documents, the terms of which the bearer had or intends to violate, usually to work. It is estimated that in 1975 there were 12 to 14 times as many successful malafide entries as there were entries denied. These statistics relate to entries, not entrants and are therefore not an estimate of population as one individual may enter several times. However, these data mean that over 500,000 (ratio of 9:1 land port to airport) fraudulent entries were made. This figure is exclusive of sea or Northern border arrivals, those with bona fide intentions upon arrival who subsequently violate terms of admission, and those entering surreptitiously between ports. (Fraud. Entrants, 1976)

Others

Another group mentioned previously is those Mexican citizens who live close to the border and commute daily to jobs in U.S. border towns under the pretext of shopping in U.S. stores. No data exists as to the number of persons in this category but the group may be sizeable. 29/

29/ One group related to this phenomenon, however, is known. Those holding cards that convey "commuter" privileges number approximately 45,000 on the Southern Border.

Where and how illegal aliens live in this country is of concern in that it directly affects their impact on communities.

Unfortunately, the available information is limited and is of poor quality.

Location

Hard data on the location of illegal aliens within this country are limited to apprehension figures. These, to a considerable degree, are a function of the nature of enforcement activity of the INS. At best they provide an extremely rough indication of where the illegals are.

Apprehension data

do, however, show that a change has taken place in the distribution of undocumented workers. Illegals are now apprehended

in every state and in virtually every town. Substantial numbers of Mexican illegals have moved successively northward away from the border even though the largest concentrations are probably still in the Southwest.

According to one researcher, the largest single element in the illegal alien population on the East Coast is from the island of Hispaniola (Haiti and the Dominican Republic). Another researcher divides the population into three elements: (1) Mexican--residing mainly in California and the Southwest, (2) other Western Hemisphere--mainly East Coast, and (3) Eastern Hemisphere--predominantly East Coast. (Piore, 1974; North, 1976)