CHAPTER XXIX. The United States and the Conflict Advantage of America's Position-Secretary Hay's Stroke of Diplomacy-His Letter to Other Powers-The Proclamation of Neutrality--The President's Attitude Clearly Shown-Commercial Considerations-The Interests of Americans Abroad. HATEVER might be felt upon the broader aspects WH of the quarrel, it was generally agreed that the Japanese, with all their evident determination to fight, and notwithstanding their great aggressiveness, had so conducted the negotiations with Russia as to present their national cause in a favorable light before the world. Justly regarding the integrity of Korea as essential to their own security, they could not-so their official statement ran—exact from Russia a pledge to respect it. Equally concerned in the independence of the Chinese Empire, they could obtain from Russia no agreement and no explanation of her continued aggression and her continued military activity in Chinese territory. Recognizing that Russia's studious delay was only a cover for a determined advance that was directed against the essential interests of Japan, they broke off the fruitless pretense of negotiation and resorted to the arbitrament of arms. The strength of this statement of the Japanese position was such that the world knew it to be essentially true. Russia's silent, sullen advance across Asia, her policy of acquiring and holding, was no new demonstration; and while it fell to Japan to oppose it forcibly, for her own self-preservation, other Powers had already made the same protest against the Russian aggression in Manchuria and her contemptuous disregard of treaty engagements. Thus, while Japan at that juncture was without military allies, her diplomatic alliances were of the strongest. Great Britain and the United States, at least, were disposed to insist upon the respect for the integrity of the Chinese Empire, for which Japan professed to be fighting, and such insistence bade fair to prove an influential factor in the war. America, indeed, had a peculiar sentimental interest in the impending war. Japan, one of the principals, she, through Commodore Perry, introduced to the Western world, and it was another of her naval officers, Commodore R. W. Shufeldt, who opened to the Caucasians Korea, the battlefield. Russia, the other principal, was our “traditional friend,” because of her offer of good offices in the War of 1812 and her refusal to join France and England in the plan to intervene in our Civil War. Of material interest in the outcome, we had none that was then apparent, save in the attitude of Russia, if she should be victor, toward China, with which, as sovereign power, we had just concluded a treaty opening Manchurian ports to our trade. Russia, master of Korea, would hardly acknowledge rights there granted by China, nor was there anything in her history to warrant belief that she would then make with us such treaties as to give our trade entrance to Korea. In this aspect, Russia threatened to undo much of the work which we had done for commerce in the Far East. Our stand for the open door in China after the Boxer uprising was no departure. It was merely carrying on the policy put into effect by Commodore Perry in Japan forty-seven years before, and by Commodore Shufeldt in Korea twenty-two years ago. In all of these cases the United States acted as pioneer for the Western nations. The eclat of Perry's intrusion upon Japan and the recency of our last negotiations with China kept these achievements fresh in the public mind, but the suc cess of Shufeldt in bringing the Hermit Kingdom into the family of nations under the auspices of the young republic of the West was no less noteworthy, and it is worth recalling that the integrity of Korea was in the balance, whatever the result of the struggle on her soil. In strict accord, therefore, with American tradition, President Roosevelt, upon the first outbreak of hostilities, proclaimed the neutrality of the United States. On February 11th the following document was published from the White House: By the President of the United States of America, A PROCLAMATION WHEREAS, A state of war unhappily exists between Japan on the one side and Russia on the other side; and, WHEREAS, The United States are on terms of friendship and amity with both the contending Powers and with the persons inhabiting their several dominions; and, WHEREAS, There are citizens of the United States residing within the territories or dominions of each of the said belligerents, and carrying on commerce, trade or other business or pursuits therein, protected by the faith of treaties; and, WHEREAS, There are subjects of each of the said belligerents residing within the territory or jurisdiction of the United States, and carrying on commerce, trade or other business or pursuits therein; and, WHEREAS, The laws of the United States, without interfering with the free expression of opinion and sympathy, or with the open manufacture or sale of arms or munitions of war, nevertheless impose upon all persons who may be within their territory and jurisdiction the duty of an impartial neutrality during the existence of the contest; and, WHEREAS, It is the duty of a neutral government not to permit or suffer the making of its waters subservient to the purposes of war. THE BAND OF A COSSACK REGIMENT PLAYING MARTIAL MUSIC The Russian troops, unlike troops of other countries, march to the music of their own songs, accompanied by cymbals, bells and tambourines struck with a drum stick. Any assembly of Russian peasants, even a group of children, can sing magnificently, taking all the parts correctly. |