affords what seems to be a solitary instance of a declaration being made. The opium war of 1840, the Italian war of 184749, the Anglo-Persian war of 1856, as well as the Danish struggle about Schleswig-Holstein in 1863, and the war between Brazil and Uruguay in the following year, all commenced by acts of hostility, preceded, indeed, in several instances by diplomatic notes and manifestoes, but in no case heralded by a formal declaration.

In November, 1853, after prolonged negotiations had already taken place, the Ottoman Porte protested against Russian claims and intimated its intention of going to war. To this Emperor Nicholas responded in a very elaborate formal declaration. Hostilities did not actually commence till November 4th, three days after the Czar's proclamation, of which the Sultan had thus time to become aware. Relations between the Czar and the English and French Courts became more and more strained during the next few weeks. On February 8, 1854, the Russian Minister left England. On the 21st, Nicholas issued a manifesto complaining of the unfriendly attitude of England and France. On the 27th Captain Blackwood was sent to St. Petersburg with an ultimatum, his instructions being to wait six days for an answer. Before this time had elapsed, the Emperor declined to give any reply, but the Russian Foreign Minister stated privately that his master would not declare war.

On March 22nd, a message from the Queen was read in the House of Lords, declaring war. On the 31st, according to a quaint old custom, the high sheriff and other chief dignitaries of London attended in their robes, and proclaimed the war from the steps of the Exchange.

In the Austro-Italian war of 1859, the Emperor's ultimatum was presented on April 23rd, two days afterward Victor Emmanuel announced to the army the outbreak of war, and on the 25th operations commenced.

Our Civil War presents an interesting instance of the modern tendency to rely on facts rather than forms.

As the North never recognized the Southern States as being other than rebels, of course they were precluded from declaring war against them, but in a way which may be readily summarized, a state of war came to be recognized as having in point of fact supervened on a state of insurrection. The Secession movement, which began in South Carolina, speedily spread to the other Southern States. Then the first shot was fired from the batteries of Fort Sumter on the Star of the West attempting to enter Charleston with reinforcements. Notwithstanding this, Lincoln characterized it as insurrectionary. Nine days later Charleston surrendered to the Confederates, and war votes were then asked for. Letters of marque were issued by the South and a blockade proclaimed by the North. Larger war votes were asked, and Mr. Seward announced in a letter to the American minister at Paris that the Government had "accepted the Civil War as an inevitable necessity."

England and France thereupon recognized the rights of the South as belligerent states, and issued proclamations of neutrality. This action they justified on the ground that, although there had been no declaration of war, the credits voted and the proclamation of a blockade were facts consistent only with a state of war, not of mere insurrection.

The Seven-Weeks war of 1866 began with the rupture, on June 12th, of diplomatic relations between Prussia and Austria, followed on the same day by a declaration of war by the former power against Saxony, whose territory was entered on June 15th. On June 16th Austria intimated her intention of supporting Saxony, and this Prussia interpreted as a declaration of war. A bellicose manifesto addressed "To My Armies" was issued by Emperor Francis Joseph. On June 22nd, Prince Fritz Carl complained of the violation of the

Silesian frontier by the Austrians, without any formal declaration of war.

This complaint is a curious example of historical retribution, a precisely similar protest having been made one hundred and twenty years earlier by Austria against the Prussian invasion of Silesia. The red prince followed up his complaint by formally declaring war against Austria, a measure which Italy had taken days previously. Four years later Prussia was again involved in a war which was destined to complete the unification of Germany, to which the Seven-Weeks' War had been the first step.

On July 15, 1870, it was announced by the French ministry that the King of Prussia had refused to receive the Emperor's ambassador, and that the German minister was preparing to leave Paris. Large war credits were asked, as, in the face of these facts, France could no longer maintain peace. On the 16th the slighted French minister reached Paris and the German representative left. France, thereupon, with a self-assertion characteristic of the popular feeling of the time, issued a declaration of war, a copy of which was handed by the chargé d'affaires at Berlin to Count Bismarck, by whom it was laid before the Parliament of the North German Confederation on the 30th. England, on the 19th, had recognized the existence of war by her proclamation of neutrality.

Among the struggles of less importance the Ashantee war of 1873, the Transvaal war, the French wars, were all begun without declaration. In the Egyptian war, Arabi Pasha was required, on July 10, 1882, to surrender the forts of Alexdria, and on his failure to do so within the time specified the bombardment began.

CHAPTER XXV.

Korea, the Bone of Contention

Korea Compared with Italy-Its Racial Character-Its Independence Recognized -Physical Character of the Country-Dangers of Navigation-Skill of the Artisans The Name of Korea-Seclusion of the People-PopulationRussian Expansion-Japanese Colonies-How the Country was Opened— The Attack on the Japanese Legation-Treaties of Commerce with Western Countries-Reaction—Japanese in the Palace-Attack by the Chinese— War Prevented by a Treaty-Steps of Progress in Korea-American Enterprise-Russian and Japanese Interests in Korea-The Helpless Position of the Koreans-The Weakness of the Government-Perilous Position of the

Missionaries.

KOR

OREA is a part of the Asiatic continent, but extends as a peninsula between China's inland seas and the Sea of Japan, very much as Italy lies between the Mediterranean and the Adriatic. It is about six hundred miles in length, and one hundred and thirty-five miles wide from sea to sea. The position of Seoul, the capital, may be compared to that of Rome, which is half way between the north and the south of Italy. Korea, however, is but a truncated Italy; in the north it has no valley of the Po, no rich Lombardy and Venetia, albeit it has a sort of equivalent of the Alps in a mountain barrier reaching from the Sea of Japan to the Yellow Sea, from the port of Vladivostok to Port Arthur. These Korean Alps are covered with woods and snow, and rise to the height of nearly ten thousand feet. Italy has always been a battlefield of nations, and has long been subdivided into kingdoms, duchies and principalities. Two races only have established themselves in Korea-the Mongol or Manchu race, the continental race; and the Malay or Japanese, the island race. Korea has