SIBERIA BURC PLTROPAVLOVSH ORSK TO TOPSK TOMSK IRKUTSK MONGOLIA CHAPTER XXIV. CONTA SIBERIA STRETERSK The Belligerents and the Other Powers The Czar Issues his Proclamation—Formal Declaration by the Mikado—The Neutral Powers Their Proclamations-Diplomatic Alliances-Political Interests-How War has been Formally Declared in Other Times and Countries. MMEDIATELY after the night attack by the Japanese on the Russian warships at Port Arthur, proclamations of war were issued by Russia and Japan. Russia's was first made public February 10, at St. Petersburg, in the Official Messenger, in the following "supreme manifest": "By the grace of God we, Nicholas II, Emperor and autocrat of all the Russias, etc., make known to all our loyal subjects: "In our solicitude for the maintenance of peace which is dear to our heart, we made every exertion to consolidate tranquillity in the Far East. In these peaceful aims we signified assent to the proposals of the Japanese government to revise agreements regarding Korean affairs existing between the two governments. However, the negotiations begun upon this subject, were not brought to a conclusion and Japan, without awaiting the receipt of the last responsive proposals of our government, declared the negotiations broken off and diplomatic relations with Russia dissolved. "Without advising us of the fact that the breach of such relations would in itself mean an opening of warlike operations, the Japanese government gave orders to its torpedo boats suddenly to attack our squadron standing in the outer harbor of the fortress of Port Arthur. Upon receiving reports from the Viceroy in the Far East about this, we immediately commanded him to answer the Japanese challenge with armed force. Making known this our decision we, with unshaken faith in the help of the Almighty and with a firm expectation of and reliance upon the unanimous willingness of all our loyal subjects to stand with us in defence of the fatherland, ask God's blessing upon our stalwart land and naval forces. "Given at St. Petersburg, January 27, 1904, A. D. (new calendar, February 9, 1904,) and in the tenth year of our reign. Written in full by the hand of His Imperial Majesty, NICHOLAS." And the same day Count Cassini, the Russian Ambassador, called on Secretary Hay and left with him the announcement of the Czar, declaring war on Japan. The Count's communication with the Department was in writing. It was a dispatch from the Russian Foreign Office to the Ambassador, and was couched in French, being substantially as follows: "During the night of February 8-9 a detachment of Japanese torpedo boats unexpectedly attacked the Russian squadron lying at anchor in the outer roadstead of Port Arthur. This attack, being the beginning of military operations, obliges the Imperial Government to take immediate measures to reply by armed force to the challenge issued against Russia. Be good enough to inform the Government of the United States." Japan's statement was a longer document, in the form of an imperial proclamation at Tokio: "We, by the grace of Heaven, Emperor of Japan, seated on the throne occupied by the same dynasty since time immemorial, hereby make proclamation to all our loyal and brave subjects, as follows: "We hereby declare war against Russia, and we command our army and navy to carry on hostilities against her, in obedience to their duty, with all their strength; and we also command all our competent authorities to make every effort, in pursuance of their duties, to attain the national aim with all the means within the limits of the law of nations. "We have always deemed it essential in international relations, and have made it our constant aim, to promote the pacific progress of our empire in civilization, to strengthen our friendly ties with other States, and to establish a state of things which would maintain enduring peace in the Far East, and assure the future security of our dominion without injury to the rights or interests of other Powers. Our competent authorities have also performed their duties in obedience to our will, so that our relations with all the Powers had been steadily growing in cordiality. It was thus entirely against our expectation that we have unhappily come to open hostilities against Russia. "The integrity of Korea is a matter of the gravest concern to this empire, not only because of our traditional relations with that country, but because the separate existence of Korea is essential to the safety of our realm. Nevertheless, Russia, in disregard of her solemn treaty pledges to China and her repeated assurances to other Powers, is still in occupation of Manchuria, has consolidated and strengthened her hold on those provinces, and is bent upon their final annexation. And since the absorption of Manchuria by Russia would render it impossible to maintain the integrity of China, and would, in addition, compel the abandonment of all hope of peace in the Far East, we were determined in those circumstances to settle the question by negotiations and to secure thereby permanent peace. With that object in view, our competent authorities by our order made proposals to Russia, and frequent conferences were held during the last six months. "Russia, however, never met such proposals in a spirit of conciliation, but by wanton delays put off a settlement of the serious questions, and by ostensibly advocating peace on one hand, while on the other extending her naval and military preparations, sought to accomplish her own selfish designs. "We cannot in the least admit that Russia had from the first any serious or genuine desire for peace. She rejected the proposals of our government. The safety of Korea was in danger and the interests of our empire were menaced. The guarantees for the future, which we failed to secure by peaceful negotiations, can now only be obtained by an appeal to arms. "It is our earnest wish that, by the loyalty and valor of our faithful subjects, peace may soon be permanently restored and the glory of our empire preserved." It was generally agreed that the war between Russia and Japan was an attempt on the part of two powers to answer the vexing Far-Eastern question. The final disposition of the great Chinese Empire was a problem which for years had agitated the diplomatic circles of all progressive nations, and though the combatants were at war ostensibly over sovereignty rights in Manchuria and Korea, there was no hesitation in saying that China was hanging in the balance. John Hay, the American Secretary of State, seemed to realize the situation more clearly than any other man, and took a brave step for the preservation of the Chinese Empire. This move, and the attitude of the United States in general, are discussed in a later chapter, since America, though interested in the situation, looks at it from a view point unlike that of the other powers. England, France, and Germany were the most interested spectators of the conflict. With India bordering Tibet, and England's possession of Hong Kong and Wei-hai-wei, with France's interest in Annam and Tonkin, and her desire to secure a foothold in China proper, with Germany's occupation of Kiao-Chau looking toward her dream of commercial supremacy, the nations of Europe may well be said to have watched with jealous intensity the beginning and progress of the struggle. Holland, more remote from the scene of action, in her East Indian islands, was less actively concerned; her fear being only of an universal war which might strip her of colonies and suck her into the German Empire. The "Balance of Power," construed in relation to the Far East, meant maintaining the existing concessions in China; consequently each power was zealous to see that no other, under cover of the battle din, made selfish aggressions. In keeping with this attitude, every nation of importance had issued proclamations of strict neutrality within a few days of February eighth, and those most interested eagerly accepted the spirit of the note which Secretary Hay issued from Washington on the tenth of that month. An important question which presented itself at the beginning of the war between Russia and Japan was whether it would be possible to keep the struggle from involving the whole of Europe in the Asiatic conflict. Treaties, alliances and covert understandings bound almost all of the Powers of the modern world in complex relations to each other, and the easily offended dignity of the continental nations gave rise to a well-founded fear that some slight, or unintentional, indiscretion might provoke a universal war. Both the combatants had, previous to the outbreak of hostilities, secured the support of two of the most influential Powers. The Anglo-Japanese alliance, consummated the previous year, secured to the Island Empire the material and immediate assistance of Great Britain's army and navy, provided that, in case of a war, : Japan should find herself opposed by two or more great Powers. On the other hand, Russia, on the occasion of the visit of President Faure to St. Petersburg, proclaimed the existence of a secret treaty which had not previously been recognized, and about the provisions of which there was considerable specula |