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There appears to us to be some degree of stiffness in the general style of this work; and in several places we have remarked inaccuracies of language, which merit particular notice.

- Unsuccessful though in one part-the Asiatic pride would but ill brook with the dictatorial spirit-the bare recital is full sufficient -- the fulfillance of the engagement-fate had not yet finished with the devoted family-requiring the aid of his asistancethe empire rent admitted of the abuse-of equally as real valuation to the original proprietor ; are phrases which will scarcely bear a critical examination.

A writer, who attempts an ornamented and elevated style, ought not to forget, that the first step towards elegance is correctness.

IS,

THIS

Art. XII. An Address to the People of Scotland, upon the Alarms that

bave been raised in regard to Popery. By George Campbell, D. D. Principal of Marischal College, Aberdeen.

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Cadell. Printed at Aberdeen. 1779. HIS excellent Address does no small honour both to the

head and heart of its Author; it breathes a truly candid and liberal spirit, and well deserves the serious attention of every one who is defirous of acting according to the genuine principles of Protestantism and Christianity. As the Doctor could not be present at the last national Assembly of the Church of Scotland, he thought it his duty, to give an ample testimony to the world of his judgment, on the whole, of a very important fubject; a subject which still continues to engage no inconfiderable part of the public attention. If what he has advanced upon it be coolly and impartially considered, it cannot fail, in our opinion, of producing those sentiments, and that temper and disposition of mind which becomes the disciples of him who came not to deffroy men's lives, but to save them.

His Address is divided into three chapters; in the first of which, he confiders the doctrine of the Gospel in regard to persecution, and, particularly, to perfecutors. Here he thews, that the methods whereby, according to the command of our Lord, his religion was to be propagated, were no other than teaching, and the attractive influence of an exemplary life; and that the maxims of the Apostles are entirely conformable to the leffons which they had received from their Master. He illustrates our Saviour's precepts by his example, and examines in what manner he was affected with regard to the antipathy and mutual rancour that fubfifted, in his time, between the Jews and the Samaritans, who stood on a footing with each other somewhat similar (but incomparably worse) to that of Protestants and Papists amongst us, before the late alarms. In a word, he

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makes it sufficiently evident, that neither the example nor the precepts either of the divine Author of our religion, or of his Apostles, authorise the use of the sword, or any such carnal weapons, for the advancement of religion ; that they fortify our minds with meekness, faith, and patience, to bear, but in no case permit us to infiet, persecution, not even in requital of that which we ourselves have formerly been made to suffer; that the necessary consequence of such unsanctified measures is to subvert the power, for the sake of establishing the form, of godliness, and to make us facrifice the spirit of our religion, that charity which animates the whole, to a mere lifeless figure.

In the second chapter, our Author considers the conclusions ta -which found policy would lead us, in regard to the toleration af Papists, and sets out, with observing that the propriety, considered in a political light, of giving such a toleration to Papists in Scotland, as has been already granted in England and Ireland, is a point, the decision of which belongs properly to the legislaturę. To him, he tells us, it appears particularly improper in ecelesiastical judicatories to meddle with it, as it is a question which solely regards the safety of the body politic. But however improper it may be for ecclesiastical judicatories, as such, to interfere with - the legislature in this affair, we may be permitted, he says, as

individuals in this land of liberty, for the sake of quieting the minds of well-meaning people, freely to canvass the question of the expediency of the projected toleration; this being the privilege, if used discreetly, of all British subjects, in regard to public measures. With due deference to his superiours, therei fore, he submits his sentiments on this head to the candid Hexamination of his readers, and we cannot deny purselves the pleasure of inserting part of what he says.

He sets out with observing, that in every state there is a right of self-preservation, which implies, amongst other things, that of protecting itself against violence offered, either from without, or from within, from foreign hostile stabs, or from its own seditious and corrupi members, and consequently of repelling force by force.-- That it is the duty of the magistrate, who is the trustee, and consequently the servant, of the state, not only to defend the community when attacked, but to watch for its safety, and, by every method which the constitution impowers him to use, that is, as far as his trust extends, to prevent every danger which may be foreseen, as well as to remove that which is present.

! Now on these, and on these only, continues he, is founded the magiltrate's title to interfere with religious fects. Opinion is naturally beyond the jurisdi&tion of magistracy, whose proper object is public peace or national prosperity. As this cannot be injured or interrupted by men otherwise ihan by their actions, these are strictly all that are immediately cognizable by civil judicatories. As howsver it is unquestionable, that opinion has great influence on practice, so the open profeflion of such opinions as are manifetlly fub. vertive of the natural or civil rights of the society, or of the rights of individual members of the society, is undoubtedly to be regarded as an overt act which falls under the cognizance of the magiftrate. It is only in this view that opinion ought ever to be held as coming under his jurisdi&tion. Considered in a religious view, as true or falfe, orthodox or heterodox, and consequently as affe&ting our spiritual and eternal interests, it is certainly not of the department of the fecular powers. Yet this distinction has not always been ob. served. And those in power, from considerations of a spiritual nature, which were totally without their province, have thought themTeives bound, by the most sacred ties, co do all they could, for the encouragement of their own opinions, because fupposed to be found, and for the suppression of every opinion as unsound, which food opposed to them.

- Hence that spirit of intolerance which has for many centuries proved the bane of Christendom, and which Nill continues the bane of many countries in Europe, as well as in other quarters of the globe. Nothing can be more evident, than that if the magitrate is entitled, nay obliged, by all the weight of his authority, to croth opinions, merely because erroncous, and conceived by him pernicious to the foul, this obligation must be inherent in the office of magiftracy, and consequently incumbent on every magistrate. Now, as his only immediate rule for what he is bound to cherish, and what to crush, is, and can be no other than, his own opinions, and (the magistrate having no more claim than private persons to infallible direction) as the same variety of sentiments may be, nay in different ages and nations has been, in those of this rank as in those of any other; it will be found, on this hypothesis, the duty of rulers to soppress and persecute in one country, and at one period, wbat it is the duty of rulers in another country, or even in the same country, at another period, to cherish and protect. This consequence, how absurd foever, is fairly deducible from the aforesaid principle, and ought therefore to be held a sufficient demonstration of the abo susdity of that principle. One of the many unhappy consequences which has fowed from the iniquitous but general practice of actjog in conformity to that false cenet, is, that the minds of parties, even those whose differences in opinion are merely speculative, and could never, if left to themselves, have affected the peace of society, have been exasperated against one another. Jealousy and envy have arisen, and been fostered by mutual injuries. Every sect has been led to view in every other a rival and an enemy, a party from which, if raised to power, it would have every thing to dread. And as this almoft equally affects both sides, each has played the tyrant in its torn. As men's conduct is influenced more by paslion than by cool refledion, all have been very flow in discovering the falfity of the principle, the magistrate's right of interfering, when there is no visible danger to the state ; this right, though sometimes controverted by the weaker party, the prevalent sect has always affirmed and delended, thinking itself entitled to a monopoly of the principle, as L 4

being

being alone, in its own account, on the side of truth. The rememo brance too of injuries received, inflead of opening their eyes, and Mowing them the ruinous consequences of that radical error, has but ferved io rivet them in it, and make them avail'themselves of it in their turn. Nay, fo inconsistent a creature is man! those who but a little before ftrenuously maintained the right of private judgment, are no sooner raised to power, than they obfinately refuse that right to oihers. As they have been accoltomed to look on the other party as enemies, and have been badly treated by them, they think they derive hence an additional right to persecute them from the law of retaliation.

This, I acknowledge, renders religious fects in another view, an object of attention to the magiltraie. A party whose avowed principles, considered by themselves, have nothing hostile to society, may, from its ftrength and babitual enmity to the predominant fedt, endanger che public peace. Hence it may happen, that civil governors, though perfedly indifferent which of two fects they shall favour, may find it incompatible with the safety of the state, to give equal countenance to both: perfect equality, where there is recipro: cal hatred, could not long subfift, without giving rise to reciproca! hoftilities. The utmost vigilance could not always prevent this effect, which might, in the end, overturn the constitution. But where the public tranquillity has been long the sole object of the magiftrate, there is hardly any risk of his adopting those measures which cause men's minds to rankle, and produces in their breasts that most unlovely and unchriftian disposition one towards another.

It is admitted, that when the public peace is in danger, it is bis duty to interpose. Sedition or rebellion is not entitled to take Thelter in religious sentiments, nor can the plea of liberty of con: science juftly avail any man, for invading the liberty or property, sacred or civil, of another. So much for what appears to be the original rights of the civil power in what concerns feets in religion. It must be owned, however, that there are many particular circumStances, which, when they occur, ought, in a great measure, to restrain the rxertion of a power otherwise warrantable. When parties are alrcady formed, and of long continuance, though their fundamental principles be unfriendly to the rights of society, their numbers, and weight, and other considerations, may render an indal. gence, otherwise unmerited, the more eligible measure, because in its consequences the less evil. It may however be remarked in parf ing, that though there be several prudential considerations which miay render it proper to extend favour to those whose tenets, or temper, or both, show that they but ill deserve it, no confideration can give the magistrate a right to perfecute any party whose principles, viewed in a political light, are nowise unfriendly to the rights of their fellow.citizens, or of the state, and whose disposition and con. duct is peaceable and inoffenfive.'

He now proceeds to apply these principles to the case in hand; he confiders the character of Roman Catholics with great impartiality;-he neither exaggerates nor extenuates their faults:- in a word, he pleads the 'caute of toleration in the true spirit of toleration. He is of opinion, that so inconsiderable a party (for both in number of people and in property, their proportion is so very small as not to be worth mentioning) can be of no danger to the constitution of this country; especially when it is confidered, that it is not proposed to admit them into any, even the lowest offices of magistracy or legislation, or any place of public trust; and that, if at any time any unforeseen evil or danger should arise from them, the legislature, of which they can make no part, and on which, considering their very great inferiority in all respects, they can have no conceivable in Auence, have it always in their power to give a timely check to it.

leration.

In the last chapter, our Author points out the proper and christian expedients for promoting religious knowledge, and represfing error. And here, as through the whole Address, indeed, the reader will find that candor, moderation, seriousness, and liberal spirit, which becomes a truly Protestant divine,

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TI

FOREIGN LITERATURE.

A R I.

XIII. Meditationes Phyfico-Chemica de Origine Mundi, &c. Phyfico-Chemi

çal Meditations on the Origin of the World. By Joh. G. Wallerius, Profeffor of Chemistry, Metallurgy, &c. 8vo. sewed. Stockholm. 1779. Imported by T. Lowndes. HE reputation which this Author has justly acquired, by

his mineralogical writings, is well known. In what degree it will be increafed by the present publication, we shall not undertake to determine. Without entering into the merits of his theory of the earth, we cannot avoid obferving, that he is much too diffuse in reciting, as authorities, the opinions of the ancient philosophers, sacred writers, and others, on the natures of the different elements, and other subjects, with which they certainly were very little acquainted; and that he himself imitates their mode of philosophising somewhat too closely, in his own investigations relative to the matters which are the particular objects of this treatise ;~the accounting for the first formation of this globe, and the nature and various modifications of the elements which constitute it.

The Author commences his system, by treating of fire and light. The latter, he says, is a substance, not in Aammable, nor calorific, nor aerial, much less terrestrial ; of the greatest subtilty and mobility, and always tending upwards.' -- The ancients ascribed to it a spiritual or divine origin.-Leibnitz,' he adds, likewise contended, that it ought to be considered as a spiritual substance: and why not? We call the most subtile and active fluid in the animal body by the name of animal {pirits; and 'who can deny that these spirits derive their first 4

origin

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