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And mingled indignation thus exclaim'd.
Of Mexique and Peru was pour’d, and hence
Remaining spark of LIBERTY.-A dire
And dreadful revolution ! O my poor,
Happy and great, nor would the envious foe
At Britain's downfall. The only attempt at any thing like poetical description, is in the passage that immediately follows:
thought revolv'd on thought,
And clotted gore, his fable arrour pierc'd
With many a safi, upon his bruis'd limbs
In bloody characters. The poem afterwards concludes with some rhymes, which, we are of opinion, must have been added by a very inferior hand, as they are such as would confer no honour on the belman.
The second piece in the collection is addressed to Lady Catharine A-n1-y, on her departure for Ireland. This, as well as the poem that immediately follows it, addrefled to a friend from Venice, contains fome tolerable lines. The verses we are most pleased with are
An Invitation to Miss WARB-RT-N.
Already wafted from th' empurpled meads
We almost imagine we perceive in the above little poem some marks of the style and sentiment of a former Lord Lyttelton. What, in some measure, favours our conjecture, is, that we find nothing in the present collection that bear's any resemblance to it.
Beside the pieces already taken notice of, there is a tolerable imitation of the first Elegy of Tibullus. The remaining part of the poems we pass over as, in general, poor, contemptible, and vulgar.
Prefixed to this collection, is an apology for its noble Author, by a Gentleman who had been his intimate companion many years. From this intimate companion we learn, that no man ever experienced more illiberality; few men deserved it less.' And speaking of the obloquy and reproaches which his Lordfhip met with for his licentious and unprincipled conduct with respect to women, this Apologist adds, there is no fituation in life which will admit of an avowed contempt of vulgar prejudices.' We think this friend had acted more judiciously had he passed over his Lordship's vices in filence, than thus by a feeble an ineffectual effort to excuse them, be the means of keeping up the memory of what, it might be hoped, would soon have been lost in oblivion,
Art. VIII, Letters on Patriotism. Translated from the French Original printed at Berlin. Small 8vo.
2 s. fewed.
Conant. 1780. HIS work is introduced to the English reader by the fol
lowing extract of a letter from Berlin: " The letrers which accompany this, are at present read with the greatest avidity throughout Germany; they were lately publithed at this place in French, and are the production of our great northern hero.
“ You will give the translation of them to the Public in whatever form you please. At this period, every incitement to pacriotism is laudable; though the general conduct of your nation, which has justly excited the admiration of the world (I mean the general proofs of patriotism), sufficiently thew how little luch incitements are wanted.
“ In the translation, I am apprehensive, some traces may be disa covered of a pen diJused in its native language; but however it may fall sort of the beautiful fimplicity and spirit of the original, I believe it will be found no unfaithful copy of the illustrious Author's meaning."
The above extract affords, in general, a pretty just account of the work before us.
As to the authenticity of the Letters, we are disposed to believe them genuine, when we view them in connexion with the other productions of the royal Author'; but if we compare the generous, humane, and patriotic sentiments contained in the
present work, with the life and actions of his
PnMwe shall find as little reason, perhaps, to ascribe it to him as to any other person in his dominions.
The Letters are supposed to pass between Anapistemon* and Philopatros; the former of whom is instructed by the latter, in the duties which he owes to his country. These duties are enforced by every consideration (excepting those of RELIGION •and LIBERTY) that can influence the minds of men.
en. It is not in republics only that the virtues of the citizen ought to prevail.
· Good monarchies, founded on principles of prudence and phi. lanthropy, constitute in our times a species of government approaching much more to aristocracy than to despotism; in fact, it is the LAWs only that reign in such a government.
• Let us consider this matter a little :-If we reckon up the perfons who have a share in the several councils, in the administration of justice, in the finances, in foreign missions, in commerce, in the army, in the interior police of the nation ; add moreover all those who have votes in the provinces; all these in some degree partake of the sovereign authority. The Prince, in such a state, is far from a defpotic and arbitrary governor, acting only from his caprice ; he is only the central point in which all the radii of the circle concur. In this form of government only, it is poslible for deliberations to be managed with a secrecy unattainable in republics, and for the different branches of administration to proceed, like the quadriga of the Romans, marching abreast, and concurring equally to the general welfare. If the Prince is endued with firmness, there will be much less room for faction than in republics, which are so often ruined and subverted by the iniquitous intrigues and confederacies of the citizens against each other.'
The Author, personating the Mother Country, sums up, in a few words, the principal arguments employed in the course of the work:
“ Ah! ye degenerate and ungrateful children, indebted to me for your existence, will ye for ever remain insensible of the favours which I heap upon you? Whence are your ancestors ? It is I who gave them birth.-Whence did ye both receive your nourishment? From my inexhaustible fecundity; they were indebted to me for their education ; their estates and possessions are my ground, 'my soil. yourselves were created in my womb; in short, ye, your parents, your friends, and whatever is dearest to you in this world, it is. I who gave them being. My tribunals of justice protect you against iniqu ty : they defend and vindicate your rights; they guard your poffeffions; the policy which I eliablished, watches for your safety; when ye walk the town, or ramble the fields, ye are equally secure againit the surprise of thieves, and against the dagger of airallins;
* We leave it to our learned Readers to determine whether it is from ignorance of the Greek that the second and fourth fyllables of the word alluded to, are erroneously written throughout.
and the troops which I support, protect you against the violence, rapacity, and invasion of our common enemies. I not only provide againit your necesity, but my care extends even to the eale. and convenience of your lives. If ye are desirous of instruction, ye will find masters of every kind; if desirous of rendering yourselves useful, offices and employments are waiting for you ; are you infirm or on. fortunate, my affection has provided fuccour, and prepared aflist. ance : and for all the favours which I daily lavih upon you, I demand no other acknowledgment, ihan that ye entertain a cordial affection for your fellow-citizens, and in'ereit yourselves with a fincere attachment in whatever may be of advantage to them.-- They are my members ; they are myself; ye cannot bear any affection for, them without loving me. But your obdurate and intractable hearts despise the value of my favours; ye suffer yourselves to be directed by an unguly madness; ye are desirous of living separate and abtracted from Society, and of breaking the ties which ought to bind you to me. When your country is straining every nerve for your benefit, will ye do nothing for her i-Rebellious againt all my care and anxiety, deaf to all my representations, will nothing be able to foften or move your finty hearts ? Refiest--let the advantages your parents have enjoyed melt you! Let your duty and your gratitude unite! Let your future condu& towards me be such as virtue shall dictate, and my care for your glory and honour demar.d."
Anapiftæmon, with the humble deference due to the royal Instructor, yields a ready affent to the force of this eloquence. But in a country of Liberty it would not, perhaps, have been so easy to convince him. It is posible he would have returned a manly, though respectful answer to the artful demands of his sovereign." You require,” might he reply,
my gratitude, my services, my fortune, my life itself, in return for the favours which you confer cn me.
But it is neceffary first to examine whether these favours meric so great a sacrifice. · The troops which you support, protell me against the violence, rapacity, and invasion of our common enemies.' You forget that these enemies have been created by your ambition; and that it is only on your account I have the smallest reason to fear their resentment. The laws of my country defend me against afa fins :' but so will the laws of every civilised country upon earin. The fame may be said of the other boasted advantages which I derive from her. They are such as I may every where enjoy as a stranger, without laying myself under any burdensome obligations. If my country would deserve my peculiar gratitude and regard, she must distinguish me by peculiar favours, I mean not that she is to prefer me to my fellow-citizens; but she must make me feel the distinction between citizen and stranger. She must give me a constitutional weight in the establishing, as well as in the administration of those laws which defend my life, liberty, and fortune. Under their influence I must feel my own rights, and the rights of those who are dear to me, more safe and secure in my native country,