Fourth. The grant of Philippine freedom will remove the constant danger of having taxes unexpectedly imposed directly or indirectly upon Philippine products. Now, it is possible for Philippine investors to suffer reverses overnight by a slight change in the tariff. Philippine industries, too, may be indirectly taxed, as illustrated by the measure amending the oleomargarine act.

Fifth. Independence will do away with the fear of having the American coastwise shipping laws extended to the Philippines, which may under the existing situation be accomplished by presidential proclamation. The Filipinos, not being eligible to American citizenship, would suffer greatly in their shipping and commerce should the coastwise shipping laws of the United States be made applicable to the Philippines.

Sixth. The establishment of an independent Philippine government will place in the hands of the Filipinos the instruments of their economic salvation. Now the Filipino people have no control over matters affecting our tariff relations, our mines, our forests, and our public domain.

Seventh. The early grant of freedom will hasten the development of greater economic mindedness among our people. The continuation of the present uncertainty and anomaly will tend to arrest the economic development of the Philippines.

Eighth. The grant of independence will permit the Filipino people to adopt a constitution which will be better suited to their psychological and sociological nature.

Ninth. The establishment of an independent government with a constitution of our own creation will make it possible for our people to develop a more unified and scientific Philippine legal system and jurisprudence.

Tenth. With independence the Filipinos will develop greater responsibility in governmental matters. Full responsibility can be fostered only by our having complete authority.

Eleventh. From the standpoint of culture and education, independence is essential and necessary to enable the people of my country to shape an educational philosophy which is conducive to good, patriotic, and useful citizenship, because, dependent, we can not be citizens of the American Republic and can not train the Filipino youth for true Philippine citizenship, for we do not have a free self-governing country.

Twelfth. With independence we can redefine the aims and purposes of Philippine education, so as to train Filipino boys and girls to become free, efficient, and happy citizens of a country truly free and democratic.

Thirteenth. A free and independent existence will enable the Filipino people to achieve their highest development. It will furnish a new and permanent motive to our individual and social life.

Fourteenth. Independence will usher us into the modern current of internationalism. Nationalism, developed in the atmosphere of freedom, is an essential prerequisite to sound internationalism. We as a people will, when free, be in a better position to cultivate our own talent and genius and contribute in full measure to the common heritage of the world.

Fifteenth. Philippine independence will satisfy our individual desire and our national ambition and will be a powerful incentive to our putting forth our best so as to merit a place in the family of free nations.

Sixteenth. An independent Philippines will be a modern contribution to the new world order based upon the enduring foundations of peace. With freedom the Filipino people will be in a better position to exemplify the wisdom of peace and the criminality of war-peace as an attribute both human and divine and war as a grievous wrong and an enormous crime. We shall also be better qualified to occupy our allotted place in the interknit mosaic of mankind. These, I think, are more or less self-explanatory.

I now present some of the advantages to America by granting Philippine independence at the earliest possible date.

First. America, by granting Philippine independence, would experience that joy and satisfaction which come from the fulfillment of a sacred promise.

Second. The early grant of Philippine independence will do away with the suspicion of America's high, noble, and humanitarian purposes in the Orient. Third. It will enhance the faith of the peoples of the world in America's word. Fourth. It will foster mutual understanding and good will.

Fifth. It will lessen distrust in American capital.

Sixth. Independence of the Philippines is considered by farmers and agricultural interests of the United States as a means of relief.

Seventh. The early grant of Philippine independence is the remedy to the growing labor unrest in the Western States resulting from the influx of Filipino laborers, which can not be effectively checked or regulated as long as the Philip pine Islands are under the American flag.

Eighth. It is an effective means of regulating immigration from the Philip pines, for then we will be in the category of foreign countries and the islands can be placed upon a quota basis.

Ninth. Philippine independence is a means of solving one of America's grow. ing social problems made more difficult by the factor of race differences. Tenth. Freeing the Philippines is a way of lessening the burdens of the taxpayers of this country.

Eleventh. It will increase the confidence and friendship of the Filipinos and other orientals, and these will constitute a great moral and business asset to America in her dealings with the teeming millions in the Far East.

Twelfth. It will relieve America of the embarrassing position of recognizing ideals and principles of government at home, but which foreigners feel are not observed by the further continuation of her rule in the Philippines.

Thirteenth. Granting Philippine independence will obviate the inconsistency of America fighting in the American-Spanish War for Cuba's liberation and for the Filipinos' subjugation.

Fourteenth. It will be an effective method of enabling America to take the lead not only in the limitation but in actual reduction of armament.

Fifteenth. The early grant of Philippine independence will be a concrete contribution of America to the cause of world understanding and international peace.

Sixteenth. The establishment of a Philippine Republic will be a noble Chris tian act of a Christian Nation toward the only Christian people of the Orient. That, indeed, would be a most fitting climax to America's colonial experiment,

IV. PHILIPPINES READY FOR INDEPENDENCE

The Philippines are in every essential sense ready for complete independence. First. The Filipinos are ready culturally: The people who are racially and religiously homogeneous are deeply devoted to education.

Our people had a civilization of their own before Magellan's arrival in 1521. Under Spain we received the influence of European culture. We have schools. colleges, and universities, some of which are older than the oldest in the United States. Under America we have had the benefit of her guidance and coopera tion. About 30 per cent of our national budget annually is devoted to educational purposes.

The percentage of literacy in the Philippines is higher and better than that of Albania, Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Bulgaria, Ceylon, Chile, China, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cuba, Greece, Guatemala, Guiana, Haiti, Honduras, India, Korea, Lithuania, Malay States, Mexico, Nicaragua, Palestine, Panama, Paraguay, Persia, Peru, Porto Rico, Portugal, Russia, Salvador, Siam, Spain, Syria, Turkey, Uruguay, Venezuela, and various countries of Africa and Malaysia.

Second. The Philippines are economically prepared: Our government has been self-supporting since the establishment of civil government. Our finances are sound. Our resources are ample. Under both the Spanish régime and the American administration we achieved progress.

Whatever economic dislocation may occur upon the severance of political relations will hardly be any worse than the economic disturbance bordering upon paralysis resulting from the present uncertainty of the status of the islands. The agricultural, industrial, and labor organizations of the United States demand Philippine independence for their protection. We want it for the better and eventual stabilization of Philippine industry and commerce. We are fully conscious of the bearing of independence upon our economic life. We know the consequences and are ready to accept them. Thirteen million Filipinos with an unbroken history of struggle for freedom for centuries prize freedom more than temporary material advantage.

Third. The Filipino people are financially prepared for independence: The wealth of the Philippines is practically unlimited. Developed under our direction, the country can comfortably be the home of fifty or sixty million. We have been taxing ourselves to finance our activities. We shall continue to tax ourselves and finance the needs of our national life more cheerfully after the grant of independence.

The per capita indebtedness of the Philippines is one of the lowest in the world, for in 1928 it was only $5.79. This is lower than that of Argentina, Australia, Austria, Belgium, Bolivia, Brazil, Bulgaria, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cuba, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Dominican Republic, Dutch East Indies, Ecuador, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Haiti, Hungary, India, Italy, Japan, Latvia, Mexico, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Poland, Rumania, Salvador, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, United Kingdom, United States, Uruguay, and Yugoslavia.

Fourth. Governmentally and politically we are prepared: We have had ample political experience to insure stability of our government. Before the implantation of the American flag our social organization and our governmental units had already been developed. These served as bases for later political and social organizations.

We had our short-lived Philippine Republic as the result of the Philippine revolution of 1896. It had a constitution for its basis approved by representative Filipinos in convention assembled.

To-day, after 30 years under American administration, we have all the necessary machinery of government, local, provincial, and insular.

In the central government we have six well-coordinated executive departments.

We have a bicameral legislature consisting of the senate and the house of representatives.

There are

There is a well-organized judiciary, impartial and independent. justice of the peace courts, courts of first instance, and a supreme court. We have a civil service insuring the merit system in the government service. We have the necessary machinery for public health, sanitation, and public welfare.

We have developed roads, bridges, port works, and other public improvements. To-day there is an adequate system of communication and transportation.

We have the municipal police and the constabulary to maintain peace and order among a naturally peaceful and law-abiding people.

The whole political development has been continuous from a government of Americans during the military régime, to a government of Americans assisted by Filipinos during the first part of the civil régime, then to a government of Filipinos assisted by a few Americans during the period after the approval of the Philippine autonomy act.

The next logical step is to inaugurate a government of and by Filipinos for all the inhabitants of the Philippines through the enactment of a Philippine independence legislation. This will occasion no abrupt or radical change. It is the next proper step for the people and Government of the United States to take.

Fifth. The early grant of Philippine independence would be internationally opportune: The spirit of the age is essentially one of peace. America best knows this, because at the Washington disarmament conference she became a signatory to the treaty then approved, binding herself to an agreement not to improve the fortifications or increase the defense of the Philippines.

The League of Nations, the World Court, the Kellogg pacts, the treaty resulting from the London conference-all have come into being because the nations of the world participating definitely committed themselves to the abandonment of war as an instrument of national policy.

The Japanese bugaboo used by some imperialists and opponents of independence is unseemly, for if the United States expects her word to be accepted in good faith she must accord equal sincerity of motives to other countries signatory to peace treaties.

At any rate, the question of invulnerability has never been invoked as a prerequisite to independence.

V. INDEPENDENCE THE ONLY HONORABLE COURSE

America must grant immediate Philippine independence because it is honorable.

We the Filipino people are too appreciative of the good that America has done to want to place America in the position of serving as a prop to a people who want to stand alone and can be independent. Likewise, it is not honorable for us as a people to be compelled to lean on another when we should rely on ourselves.

It is disgraceful for an individual upon reaching maturity to continue depending upon parental support. It is to the credit of both the parent and the offspring for the latter to be self-supporting upon attaining the age of maturity. In the case of a nation, it is disgraceful continually to be in a state of dependency, and whoso is a party to forcing the continuation of such a situation has a share in the ignominy. We should be permitted as a nation to stand alone. That is the only way to stand at all.

It will be a happy day for both when Americans and Filipinos jointly shall solve their present relations on the basis of the immediate establishment of a Philippine republic, self-directed and self-supporting, absolutely free, and completely independent.

SUMMARY

America must grant immediate Philippine independence:

First. Because she has pledged it solemnly and the Filipinos desire it honorably;

Second. Because prolonged occupation of the islands is disadvantageous to the Americans and Filipinos alike;

Third. Because the grant of independence is advantageous and beneficial to both the United States and the Philippines;

Fourth. Because the Filipinos are ready for independence with all the obligations and responsibilities that go with it; and

Fifth. Because the grant of Philippine independence is the only honorable course and the only just, permanent, and righteous solution of American-Filipino relations.

STATEMENT OF HON. RICHARD J. WELCH, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF CALIFORNIA

The CHAIRMAN. Gentlemen of the committee, Representative Welch has introduced a bill, and is a member of the committee; and we shall be glad to hear from him at this time.

Mr. WELCH. I shall not take up much time of the committee. I prefer to file a brief statement.

The CHAIRMAN. If there is no objection, that will be ordered. Mr. BRUMM. Is that your own statement, Mr. Welch?

Mr. WELCH. My own statement. If you desire to have it read, I shall be glad to do so.

The CHAIRMAN. No; there will be no objection to your having it inserted.

(The statement referred to is as follows:)

The people of the Philippine Islands have demonstrated their ability to govern themselves and that right should be given them without unnecessary delay.

If independence is granted to the people of the Philippine Islands they should be given sufficient time to adjust their foreign trade to our tariffs before taking the reins of their own government.

Their trade interests deserve that consideration and it should be given them. But human interests should come before trade interests. The present migration of Filipino laborers in unlimited numbers to the United States is a problem that should be settled at this session of Congress, and any bill passed at this session of Congress changing the status of the Philippine Islands should contain a provision excluding Philippine immigrants from entering the United States to take effect 30 days after its enactment.

For the sake of our social and economic welfare we should release the Philippines and give them complete independence. President McKinley, and other Presidents, have favored Philippine independence. Both our great national parties have declared in favor of it. Congress should now authorize it.

There is one fact that seems to indicate clearly that self-government for the Philippines was sincerely intended. When the islands were acquired by the United States, Congress did not make the inhabitants citizens of the United States. That was undoubtedly because Congress did not intend that

the Filipinos were to merge with our population and remain under the same government permanently. To those who object to Filipino exclusion on ethical grounds I can say that there is far more justification for denying the Filipinos the privilege of free entry to the States than there was for withholding from them the privilege of United States citizenship. I believe that, if Congress could have forseen at that time the present serious difficulties that have arisen from their unrestricted migration to America, it would have withheld that privilege of complete freedom of entry to the United States.

Filipino laborers, many of whom were first lured to the Hawaiian Islands by American proprietors of the extensive sugarcane fields and sugar mills, have recently been coming to the Pacific coast in large numbers. During 1929, 11,360; during 1930, 8,173, and during 1931, 4,606 entered.

It will be seen that a number in excess of one-half of the total number as shown by the United States Census of 1930 arrived in continental United States during the last three fiscal years. This is conclusive proof that while the 1930 Census shows a Filipino population of only 45,208 the actual Filipino population is far greater than the official figures indicate.

Their presence in competition with the white workingmen has so roused the latter that he has resorted to unlawful violence and bloodshed. We of California deeply deplore such occurrences, but we must admit that we foresaw them as inevitable. We are now doing and will continue to do our utmost to insure protection for the thousands of Filipinos now residing in our State, but the real solution of this problem, my friends, can be made only here in Congress.

I have no racial prejudices. Every man and woman in this country are descendants of foreigners, no matter whether our ancestors landed on Plymouth Rock or Castle Garden. We have reached the saturation point with 8,000,000 idle men in this country at the present time. It is unjust alike to American and foreign laborers to add more to this deplorable list of unemployed. The home of the Mexican is south of the Rio Grande. God gave the nonassimilable Asiatics a place in the sun and that place is the Orient. I have introduced at this session of Congress, H. R. 6, a bill which provides for Filipino independence with a provision excluding Philippine immigrants from the United States. I advocate this measure of independence because I do not judge the Filipinos by the undesirable types that make their homes here, and I advocate Filipino exclusion because the types that come here will inevitably ruin the standards of living that have been so laboriously achieved by our American workingmen and women.

Mr. WELCH. And in addition, I desire to file with the committee the following statement from Representatives in Congress from California :

It is the sense of the undersigned Members of the House of Representatives from the State of California, that any bill changing the status of the Philippine Islands should contain a provision excluding Philippine immigrants from entering the United States.