official commission from the Philippines and such department heads as desire to express opinions.

I have followed as far as possible the well-conducted, thorough manner in | which the House is considering this subject. There is one phase which I consider of importance and which has not been presented before your committee. I hope this communication may be read to your committee and made part of the printed hearing. I am sure you will agree that a very great stimulus will be given to the people of the Philippines to push forward into new fields for greater opportunity and expansion in agriculture, manufacture, and trade, but this stimulus can not come until a definite date for independence is set, and I fear that if this is refused, the present uncertainty, economic stagnation, standing still, and lack of advancement will continue. The Filipinos are all desirous of independence; have been temperate and kindly in their requests for it. Their petitions have never been accompanied by bombast or threats.

The special subject that I desire to present to your committee is their record during the World War, which should give us confidence in their ability to maintain order and administer a stable government. What happened in the Philippines at that time should be known to all Americans.

Our participation in the World War naturally gave new hope to their independence movement. Our declaration in favor of self-determination by nations was taken as an indorsement of the aspiration for self-determination for the Philippines in the matter of independence.

Their conduct then was as fine as that displayed in the States of our Union, and we should not fail to remember and appreciate it.

There was no hostility in the minds of the Filipinos against the Germans. A number of German merchants and residents in the Philippines were very popular with them, so their offer of assistance to the general object of the war, which had been described to be the preservation of the small nations and the self-determination of all was most creditable.

But it also gave them an opportunity to demonstrate in a very practical way, both financially and, with the offer of their young men for active war service, their loyalty to the United States and to the American flag.

We declared war in April, 1917. On May 5 of the same year a monster demonstration was held in Manila. Fifteen thousand Filipinos gathered in front of the Governor General's residence; speeches were made pledging them to any sacrifice for the benefit of the United States.

A special session of the legislature was summoned, and it quickly passed the following resolution: "We firmly believe that the final triumph of democracy, in securing for the world the principle of nationality for the benefit of the small nations, will finally enable our people to attain the ideals for which we have always struggled, namely, our constitution into a free and independent nation, with a democratic government of law and order, ready to be another instrument of democracy and universal progress."

To this President Wilson replied: "Please convey to the Philippine Legislature in warmest terms my appreciation of its admirable resolutions."

This was later followed by the passage of Joint Resolution No. 7: "That the Governor General be, and hereby is, authorized to take all necessary steps for the earliest possible construction, under the direction of the Government of the United States and at the expense of the treasury of the Philippine Islands, of a modern submarine and a modern destroyer, which shall, as soon as available, be offered to the President of the United States for service in Philippine waters or elsewhere, as said President may require or authorize."

This act was approved by the President and finally resulted in the building of a fine, new type destroyer called the Rizal. It was officered by Americans and manned by Filipinos.

Everyone thought at the time we were entering upon a long war, but, getting into the service late, as it happened, it was transferred to the United States Navy and used in other waters, so the Filipinos were not called upon to pay for it.

Finally, what is called the Quezon Militia Act, No. 2715, was passed, giving the Governor General the power to enforce compulsory military service in the islands. It provided for the inclusion in the Philippine National Guard of every able-bodied citizen between the ages of 18 and 45. It created a military commission as advisers to the Governor General. This was followed by a proclamation of the Governor General in 1917, and legislation in the United

States was urged which would permit our President to accept the service of this division for foreign service.

All through the Provinces the best of the Filipino youths volunteered. Suspicion of the ultimate attitude of the United States regarding independence had disappeared. Here we find them volunteering for duty abroad. Twentyeight thousand volunteered when only 14,000 were authorized by Washington. The United States spent only $515,000 for their equipment and this preparation. The Filipinos, out of their treasury, expended $2,405,000.

All American troops and the American Navy were withdrawn from the Philippines during the period of the war. The whole government, its policing, and its army were left to the good judgment of the Filipino people.

Mr. Wilson expressed the opinion that "it may have a wholesome effect, even in Europe, to have Filipinos there fighting for the cause of democracy."

All agitation for independence ceased. With a fine spirit, they did not seize upon this opportunity to press their claims for independence. It is the only period in their history, in connection with our own, in which they have not on every occasion pressed a consideration of their national aspirations.

They organized a corps of 4-minute speakers. They subscribed to the Liberty loan the sum of 23,247,000 pesos, more than double their allotment, and it is significant that of this sum 9,000,000 pesos came from the Provinces, and 95 per cent of those who subscribed were native Filipinos.

In addition to their subscription to the Liberty loans they added another 10,000,000 pesos for the American Red Cross society.

For a poor people who, according to the Manila American, does not even understand what liberty means and the responsibility of self-government, this was a demonstration of offers of men and money in time of distress, and was an answer of loyalty and capacity that should be conclusive.

Another significant happening was the fact that while all American soldiers were withdrawn, none but Filipino soldiers and constabulary were left, there was no trouble in the Moro country. It was unusually peaceful during this period. It substantiates the theory of the Filipino that he can get along better with the Moros, who are Malays, and settle possible disputes quicker than can an American who belongs to an alien race.

It is reported that 4,785 Filipinos actually served in the United States Army, enlisting in the United States. Fify-six were killed. The Navy, which had formerly employed many Asiatics, replaced them by Filipinos, so that in the year 1926 we find there were 4,420 Filipinos in the United States naval service. It was freely predicted that we would have a long war of at least three years. This was the thought of everyone. If we had such confidence in the Filipino people and in their loyalty to move our troops and Navy out of the islands during the war, what justification remains for the continued presence of the Army at great cost during times of peace.

The thought of retaining the island people against their will and over their objection and despite their protest, by threat of force, should be repugnant, abhorrent, to the decent feelings of any civilized man, especially of the rightthinking, fundamental American.

Thanking you for this courtesy, I am,

Yours cordially,

HARRY B. HAWES.

The CHAIRMAN. We have Judge Linebarger, who has requested to be heard, and we shall be glad to hear him at this time.

STATEMENT OF JUDGE PAUL MYRON LINEBARGER

Judge LINEBARGER. My name is Paul Myron Linebarger; American citizen, born in Illinois in 1871; residing at Wai Chai Pin Kwan, Nanking, China. I am a lawyer by profession. I was appointed under the McKinley administration in 1901 judge of the seventh district of the Philippines, and served as such until the 1st of January, 1907, when I resigned to become legal adviser of Sun Yat Sen, who eventually founded the Chinese Republic.

I appear here in the interest of the 55,000 Chinese of the Philippines, who control 70 per cent of the wealth of the islands. I have

been trying for years to find an opportunity to appear before this committee in representation of the Chinese, and to show that nothing can be done in the Philippine Islands without recognizing the fact that the Chinese are the people who are the economic support of the Philippine Islands.

The Filipinos do not regard the Chinese with the esteem that they should, because they were taught by the Spaniards to hate the Chinese as heathens. The Spanish friars could never convert the Chinese, who are ancestor worshipers. They hated the Chinese. They mas. sacred them, murdered them, and that hatred still continues to-day. in spite of the fact that nearly all of the great leaders of the Philippines have a strong infusion of Chinese blood.

As soon as I see a Filipino, I scan his features, and if I find in his face an infusion of Chinese blood, I know he is stronger than those who do not have that infusion.

Rizal, undoubtedly, that great Filipino leader-perhaps one of the great leaders of the world-had a strong infusion of Chinese blood. I always selected for the four courts in my district the Filipinos who had a strong infusion of Chinese blood. I took in the Batangas Province, Don Pedro Pastor, certainly one-quarter if not one-half Chinese. In all my courts I found that I could rely more upon Filipinos that had Chinese blood.

Now, in order to undertsand this situation, gentlemen, you must not neglect going back into a far perspective. I know that the Filipinos are capable of self-government. I knew that before I went to the Philippine Islands, because in July, 1901, I had a series of long conferences with one of the greatest of all Filipinos, and one of the greatest men I had ever met, Señor Don Apolinario Mabini, who was then a prisoner on the Island of Guam. Passing through Guam on the transport Kilpatrick in July, 1901, I stayed in Guam for about three days and put in a good part of that time canvassing among our Filipino leaders in Guam who had been taken there and imprisoned, from the revolutionary forces of the Philippines. Looking at the younger generation in this room I do not think there is one of them who is old enough to remember Mabini. He was a great Filipino.

In my conference I became convinced that a nation, even mixed up as it was, which could produce a man like Apolinario Mabini, was worthy of a place in the family of nations. Mabini asked me this question, which I wish you to remember. He said: "What is the purpose of the American people in the Philippines?

Now, he was a patriot, and he was in prison. There he sat, in his wheel chair, emaciated, homesick, a Filipino patriot, a great revolutionary, a revolutionary who ranks with Rizal, and the first question that he asked me, after we had gone through our courtesies and amenities of introduction, was: "What does your country intend to do to my country?" He said: Que va ahacer America en Filipinas?' And I said to him, "Señor, nosotros estamos aqui por siempre; America tiene que quedarse en Filipinas.'

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The CHAIRMAN. Will you please speak in English?

Mr. BRUMM. I am wondering what the reporter is doing with that. Judge LINEBARGER. Pardon me; I just gave it that way to indicate the fact that the language he used was Spanish and not English. He said: "What is your country going to do to my country?" I said to him, "My country is going to stay in the Philippines forever,"

and that we had bought the Philippine Islands with the blood we had shed in fighting in the Philippines. At that time we had lost nearly 3,000 American soldiers by wounds or sickness.

The CHAIRMAN. That statement which you made to him, was that just your own statement or was that an official statement? Judge LINEBARGER. Oh, I was making it as a personal statement to him in conversation.

The CHAIRMAN. In other words, you were not committing the Government in that statement?

Judge LINEBARGER. Oh, no. That was my personal opinion, and I still hold to that personal opinion, and I have announced it repeatedly. He said, "How do you justify that?"

Mr. BRUMм. What date was that?

Judge LINEBARGER. This was July, 1901, on the island of Guam. I was on my way to the Philippine Islands, when I was appointed as judge of the seventh district. Mr. Mabini, who had a very ascetic face, and who had an infusion of Chinese blood, looked at me despairingly. Now, Mabini was a man who had offered his all. He was crippled, and he had offered his all for the Philippine Republic. He loved his country as few men can love a country; and there he was, exiled, away from home, in that prison.

The CHAIRMAN. Judge, we are very much interested in your description, but I rather think that the committee would like to get to the argument that you would like to make rather than a statement of such length.

Judge LINEBABGER. Mr. Chairman, it is very hard to make a statement unless you give some of the background.

The CHAIRMAN. I appreciate that.

Judge LINEBARGER. It is very hard. The trouble I find here when I try to tell anyone about the Chinese and Filipinos is that they will not use their imaginations. They want specific facts and fig ures and statistics and they will not use their imaginations. We will never get anywhere unless we picture in our mind something of the early revolutionary days of the Philippines. Now, I am willing to speak on that, but if the chairman is going to rule that I can not use the picture method and excite the imagination I might as well stop.

The CHAIRMAN. I was not making a ruling, but was suggesting while we delight in your descriptions we might conserve the time of the committee.

Judge LINEBARGER. I can get through in five minutes.

Mr. BRUMM. I suggest we let him have five minutes, if he can complete his statement within that time. I do not mean to hurry him at all.

Judge LINEBARGER. I served as judge for almost six years, from 1901 to 1907, in the Philippine district courts. We had an insurrection in Batangas. I had four courts, one in Batangas Province, another in Mindoro Province, another in Marinduque, and the Fourth in Tayabas Province. I held court in these four places, and at Batangas, one of them, we had a reconcentration.

Now, you should know something about a reconcentration. You will never understand the Philippine situation unless you get the background, and I can not tell you anything about that because my

time is limited. But it is a page of history that will never be well known to Americans. General Bell, who arranged it, and whom I opposed at that time, is now dead. Nearly every prominent person who took part in the reconcentration of the Provinces of Batangas and Tayabas is dead. There is no written history of it. I think your committee would like to hear something about it, if I could have the privilege of five minutes more. That is the gist of the whole situation-the reconcentration. I was the judge in that dis trict, and I tried hundreds of cases. In one case they sent a force of men to take away 50 leading men of the town and bring them down to Batangas for trial. We had a revolution on hand, and we had to try men, and we had to use the death penalty frequently. It was a serious, wicked, and vicious situation. When I think how the Filipinos are behaving themselves as they are to-day I feel that we should be thankful that they are tendering the hand of peace to us, instead of starting another revolution, because a revolution is a very serious thing in the Philippines. I know it because I went through four years of it. About 1904 they got in General Malvar. I can not tell you anything about him except that he was a patriot who succeeded Jose Rizal in the control of the Philippine Islands, until he was captured. He was a great general, a brave man. We had movements of troops over there which cost many lives and many thousands of dollars over here, but finally he came in and surrendered, because the nationalist leaders of the Philippines believed that he should yield to American arms.

Now, we bought the Philippine Islands with the blood of our soldiers. A thousand men died on the field of battle and 4,000 died of wounds. We bought them also by treaties. We bought them by the Spanish War, and they belong to the American people; they do not belong to Congress at all, they belong to the entire people. I do not see how-and I said this 20 years ago I do not see how the American people can ever give the Philippines their independence. It is impossible, because we have not any laws which will bring into effect the independence of the Philippine Islands. The only way you could do it would be by putting in a constitutional amendment providing for the liquidation of the United States Government, providing a way by which we could give away, parcel by parcel, first, the Philippines, then Hawaii, then Alaska, then the States, strike them off, give them up, one by one. In other words, the only way you can give the Philippines independence is to liquidate your Government. There is no other possible way to do it.

I have said that for the last 20 years. There is no single act that you can ever pass in Congress; there is no bill that you will ever present to Congress that will ever go any further than the voice of the American people, and even though the President should confirm legislation enacted by the Senate and the House, it will never get anywhere with the American people as long as they know the facts, as long as they can get the information, outside of statistical figures. Mr. BRUMM. Do you mean that that applies to our peculiar form of government here, or could England do it with respect to any of her colonies?

Judge LINEBARGER. Well, England can not get rid of her colonies herself.

Mr. BRUMM. Well, she got rid of a pretty big one over here.