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STATEMENT OF FISK C. WARREN

The CHAIRMAN. We will now hear from Mr. Warren.

Mr. WARREN. Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, the principal thing

The" CHAIRMAN. Will you state your name and whom you represent?

Mr. WARREN. My name is Fisk C. Warren. I represent myself, and nothing else. I spent a year in the Philippines. I have visited the Philippines four times.

The CHAIRMAN. Your home, please ?
Mr. WARREN. I come from Harding, Mass., close to Boston.

The only thing I have to say is that you are confronted with a condition in the Philippines that I think is not appreciated in this country. It seems to me to be a general impression that we can continue as we are; that we can continue, as we say, to rule the Filipinos, giving them a certain amount of autonomy. Now, what I say is that that is impossible. The game was lost under Harrison as Governor of the Philippines, when he increased the number of Filipinos in the employ of the government, filling 98 per cent of all the employees in the government with Filipinos, as I understand it. The Governor of the Philippines can veto. Congress can veto. But they can not bring about what they want in the Philippines without persuasion. That dates from the time of Harrison. When Wood was there, he tried the military system and it did not work. With Davis we have had a pretty good condition, but that condition is due to the fact that Davis recognized that he must accept the conditions that existed, and he has negotiated for what he wanted, and tried to persuade the Filipinos.

The CHAIRMAN. When you refer to Davis, do you mean the governor general of the Islands?

Mr. WARREN. Governor General Davis; excuse me. He has had to get what he wanted by persuasion or veto. But we are held responsible before the world for the government of those islands, and yet we have not got the power, except as we can persuade the Filipinos, or do it by a veto.

What kind of government is that? Do we want to be responsible, to continue to be responsible, without any more power than that? Now, if we want to go beyond that, we will have to exert force, and that means money and lives. How far do we want to go in such a direction as that?

There seems to be an impression that it is doubtful whether the Filipinos want independence. I have been there, as I say, four times, and the feeling of independence was present in a large measure the first time, and has increased ever since, until now it is as near unanimity as I think has ever been shown in any country. The unanimity that we had for independence at the time of our revolution was as nothing compared with it. Some of the States stood out. There is nothing like that in the Philippines. The legislature of the Philippines votes unanimously each year in favor of independence. If there is an odd politician who wants to seek his own advantage and is not really for independence, the people find him out and let him go; he is insecure in his position unless he is for independence. Such a feeling for independence was not in Ireland before Great Britain gave Ireland her present status. Such a feeling is not in India to-day.

Now, if this country wants the burden of what Ireland used to be, and wants the burden of what India is to-day to Great Britain, let it continue in its policy.

Now, I say this: There is an era of good feeling in the Philippines, and that era of good feeling is because they think we are going to redeem our promises. Every President has promised'independence. Hope deferred maketh the heart sick. At some time the Filipinos are going to turn, unless they get a promise, which is one that can not be avoided. Such a promise as “ when they are capable of self-government,” or something like that, is indefinite. Now, the Filipinos are determined to get a date, and if they do not get a date I think there will be trouble. In the meantime there is great good feeling, for Davis did very well. He did not talk about political affairs, but he talked about economics. He helped the Filipinos to help themselves. But whenever there comes a real issue, then there will be trouble indeed.

Now, about the tariff, and free trade between the Philippines and this country: Are you aware, gentlemen, that there is not the same impression in the Philippines as to the protection of a tariff, in the same sense that there is here, or, at least, it is very slight. If they were more highly organized, they would need a tariff more than they do. I think they could get along without a tariff. I think they are willing to try. I do not think it would be proper to let them go all at once without a period of time for some tariff adjustment on our part.

The CHAIRMAN. What is your impression as to the time that should be allowed ?

Mr. WARREN. I think I would like for tariff arrangement a limit of time, say 10 years. I would like the political arrangement to be a shorter period than that space of time. I do not give an opinion as to what period it should be. The great thing is a decision in regard to the time. If you will amend the time up to 10 years, I think it will improve the situation.

When I was out there in September, Governor Davis told me that the great difficulty he had with the Filipinos was to get them from politics into economics. Well, the reason it is so difficult to get them from politics into economics is that they feel that independence is necessarily a preliminary to any discussion of economics, and if you could assure them that they are coming out right in that respect, I think you can talk economics with them. I think it would be all right, and I think you could govern them much better.

There is the question of what would happen in case of war. They are willing to take that risk. If we keep them on as they are, we have a discontented people, and if we have war we will have trouble outside and inside. Do we want to have such an emergency as that? It seems to me that we want to be friendly with the Filipinos, and if we let them go, they take their own risk. I think perhaps they will do as other small countries in the world have done. Belgium has maintained herself and managed to preserve her independence.

The CHAIRMAN. Is Mr. Tavenner present? It seems he is not here.

I thank you.

Is Mr. Mead present! About how much time will you want, Mr. Mead?

Mr. MEAD. I think I can get through in 10 minutes.
The CHAIRMAN. All right.
State your name and occupation.

STATEMENT OF R. D. MEAD, VICE PRESIDENT OF THE HAWAIIAN

SUGAR PLANTERS ASSOCIATION

Mr. MEAD. My name is R. D. Mead. I am a vice president of the Hawaiian Sugar Planters Association, which comprises practically all of the sugar industry in Hawaii. The production of sugar in Hawaii last year was 993,000 tons. The plantations in the Hawaiian Sugar Planters Association also own the Hawaiian Philippine Co., which owns and operates a central on the Island of Negros in the Philippines. The production of that central last year was approximately 47,000 tons.

Also, 80 per cent of the sugar production in Hawaii represented in the Hawaiian Sugar Planters Association owns the California-Hawaiian Sugar Refinery, at Crockett, Calif., where most of our sugar is refined.

The attitude of my organization on the questions which are before the committee is as follows:

First, that the question of independence of the Philippine Islands should be left to determination by Congress, after full consideration of the capacity of the Filipinos for self-government, and consideration of the international problems involved which are nationally important and paramount to any economic considerations.

Second, that such trade concessions be granted to the Philippines as the United States in justness and fairness wishes to grant.

Third, that if it shall be deemed to the interest of the United States to prohibit the entrance of citizens of the Philippine Islands not eligible to United States citizenship, a provision be made apply: ing to the Territory of Hawaii whereby they may be admitted thereto in numbers sufficient to meet the agricultural labor requirements of the territory.

It is upon the latter subject particularly that I wish to speak.

The question of the exclusion of Filipinos has been before the Immigration Committee of the House on two occasions in recent years, and very extensive hearings have been held. I would refer the committee to the report of the Immigration Committee accompanying House Joint Resolution 473, Seventy-first Congress, third session, and quote from the bottom of page 3 thereof as follows:

An exception is made, however, in the last sentence of this subdivision, so that citizens of these possessions (Philippine Islands, Samoa, and Guam) may, if they so desire, be not considered as aliens, and may come to the Territory of Hawaii without any immigration or passport visa in the same manner and no more subject to restriction than under existing law.

We have had immigration of Filipinos to Hawaii since 1909. In the beginning, as in the beginnings of all immigrations, the people that came were not of the very best, but in later years we have brought in very considerable numbers of Filipinos from the Ilocos Provinces, in the north of Luzon, and they are fine people, hard working, industrious, thrifty, and law-abiding. We have found them highly satisfactory, and they now form the bulk of the Filipino laborers upon our plantations.

The deposits of Filipinos in the savings banks in Hawaii at the present time amount to $4,149,321.

I am reading from a report of the Bureau of Labor Statistics of the Hawaiian Sugar Planters Association for last year:

The remittances to the Philippine Islands through this office, largely by returning Filipinos, have amounted in the year to $662,750. We know from investigation in the Philippines that Filipinos remit from Hawaii over $3,000,000 per year to their relatives, so that in addition to the savings disclosed by Hawaiian savings banks, we have evidence that our Filipino laborers remitted some $3,700,000 to the Philippines during the year.

Naturally, Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the committee, that must be of very considerable assistance to the Philippines.

We are trying to conduct in Hawaii, and are conducting, a tropical industry under the very highest American standards. Our wage scale is equal to the wage scale in any agricultural section of the United States, other than on the west coast.

A report of the United States Department of Labor which came out last year shows that the earnings of the plantation laborers for the period of 1929 and 1930 averaged $1.85 per day. In addition to that, they are furnished with their houses, with fuel, water, medical attendance, hospital treatment without cost, which is estimated by this report to be $28 per month. They are, in addition to that, paid a bonus of 10 per cent on their earnings if they work 23 days per month.

Our plantation work is conducted very largely on a piece basis. There are very few day laborers. They work, as we call it, under various contracts, short term contracts, which cover work that may be completed in a short time, and the long-term contracts which may extend from the time when the fields are prepared and the cane is planted until it is harvested.

The CHAIRMAN. Would you mind explaining what you mean by piecework in agriculture ?

Mr. MEAD. Yes, sir. Fields are plowed and planted, and in some instances hoed and cultivated on the basis of a price per acre;

cane is cut and loaded into cars on the basis of a price per ton.

These are the so-called short-term contracts, and there are other contracts of the same nature covering other plantation operations.

After the cane is planted and after the first irrigation on the irrigated plantations the fields are turned over to gangs who cultivate and bring the cane to maturity. They are paid on the basis of the production of tons of cane. These are long-term contracts continuing over a period covering 18 to 24 months.

Mr. BRUMM. That is only a labor contract? There is no lease involved?

Mr. MEAD. No, sir; our cane requires from 18 to 24 months to mature, so that it extends over a very considerable period. The long-term contracts more nearly approach a lease than anything else, but we call them long-term contracts.

The short-term contractors, according to the report of the Bureau of Labor Statistics of the United States Department of Labor, earned during the period under consideration $48.10 per month, which, with the addition of the estimated value of their perquisites at $28, brings their earnings, or the cost to the plantation of that labor, to $76.10 per month per male adult. The long-term contractors showed earnings of $53.82, and with the $28 added it would be $81.82 per month per

male adult. The day laborers, who are very few in number, had a minimum wage of $28.08 per month and a maximum wage of $91.78 or an average of $59.80, which, with the addition of perquisites, would bring it up to $87.80 per month. Those wage earnings are in excess of any wages paid to any farm labor anywhere in the United States, except perhaps on the west coast of the United States.

Mr. BRUMM. Do you include Pennsylvania and New England in there?

Mr. MEAD. Yes; I include every section. Mr. BRUMM. They get more than the farm laborers in the State of Pennsylvania ?

Mr. MEAD. Yes, sir.

If you will examine the tables of farm wages set forth in the latest statistical abstract of the United States, you will find that the statement I have made is corroborated.

I thought I had it here with me, but I find I have not.

We are trying in Hawaii to develop a home-grown supply of agricultural labor. It is a noble experiment, with perhaps a greater chance of success than another noble experiment much discussed.

Mr. BRUMM. I hope so.

Mr. MEAD. And I hope so, too. The indications are that our efforts will be more successful.

Mr. BRUMM. It is more popular than the other one, is it not?

Mr. MEAD. I think so. We are trying to reverse the present trend from the farm to the city; we are trying to make them go from the city to the farm. We are bringing out of our schools a large number of young men and women, and they can not find the white-collar jobs that they would wish to get, and we are trying to make conditions on the plantations so attractive for them that they will go back to work on those plantations.

Mr. UNDERHILL. Are you having any success?

Mr. MEAD. Yes, sir; we are having quite a measure of success. Pending that, and our effort to accomplish it, we ask that you permit to come to Hawaii during the intermediate period before independence becomes an accomplished fact Filipino laborers to assist in our agricultural work. That is our petition to you.

That is all, Mr. Chairman, unless there are any questions.
The CHAIRMAN. Thank you very much.

Gentlemen of the committee, I have a short statement here, submitted by Senator Hawes, with the request that it be read to the committee.

Is there any objection?
If not, I will ask Mr. Cartwright to read it.
Mr. CARTWRIGHT. The letter reads as follows:

FEBRUARY 5, 1932.
Hon. BUTLER B. HARE,
Chairman Committee on Insular Affairs,

House of Representatives, Washington, D. O. MY DEAR MR. CHAIRMAN : The Senate Committee on Territories and Insular Affairs held extensive hearings in the matter of Philippine independence in 1930, and probably will limit its hearings in this session to statements of the

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