of Parliament into one, and eliminated the Premier as a successor to the President in event of his and the VicePresident's incapacity. The new law, promulgated December 26, 1914, provided that male citizens 40 years of age and of 20 years' residence should be eligible for the Presidency for a term of ten years, subject to extension at the discretion of the Council of State, and should be elected from three candidates nominated by the former President by an electoral college of 100 members, half from the Council of State, and half from the Legislative. This law was defended on the plea of the necessity, in the early stages of development, for a continuity of policy which could only be had by the President nominating his successor. The organization of the new legislature was next considered by the conference, and these regulations, issued in March, 1915, provided for a House of 275 members, with a term of four years, forty to be elected from the central electoral college, 202 from the provincial electoral colleges, apportioned according to popuIation, nine from special administrative districts, sixteen from Mongolia, six from Tibet, and two from Shanghai. One session each year shall extend from September 1 to December 31, with extension by the President for not more than two months. Ministers of State have a right to attend the sessions and speak. The qualification for a voter is that he own $10,000 worth of property in Peking or $5,000 worth in the provinces, or that he has rendered meritorious service, or is a high official, or recognized scholar, or graduate of a college, or teacher in a college. The qualifications for candidates were the same except the $30,000 and $10,000 qualification in Peking and the provinces, respectively. These qualifications are peculiar to China and are designed to suit the stage of political development which China had attained, rather than to follow blindly the standards set up by Western nations more advanced in the art of selfgovernment. After providing for the organization of a

National Constitutional Convention to meet the next year to draft a permanent constitution, the Constitutional Compact Conference was adjourned.

The Growth of Chinese Political Parties.-Until 1912 there had been no organization in China calling itself a political party. A number of political associations had existed since 1898, some planning reform and others revolution, and before that there had been many secret societies. One of these, the Tung-meng Hui (Alliance Society), had been organized as openly in favor of revolution. It had headquarters in Japan, and Dr. Sun Yat-sen was its leader. After the compromise which led to Sun Yat-sen's resignation, this society became a political party in 1912, almost entirely southern in its composition and character. Five of its members were appointed to Yuan's first cabinet, including the premier. Yuan's determination to overshadow the Cabinet led to their resignation in June, 1912, and from that time the rupture between this party and Yuan and his successors has been complete. The formation of several conservative parties followed in quick succession, including one less radical formed by the military Governor of Yunnan named Tsai Ao, and three others formed by influential citizens in Wuchang and Peking. These last three parties attracted many scholars and officials and soon became amalgamated into the Kung-ho Tang (Republican Party) and became the supporters of the President. The strength of this new conservative party just about balanced that of the southern party, or Tung-meng Hui, and the Tsai Ao party, therefore held the balance of power in the Assembly for some months until its members split and joined the two major parties. Another party, the Tung-yi Tang (Coalition Party) was formed in March, 1912, as an offspring of the Tung-meng Hui, while at the same time the Ming-chu Tang (Democratic Party) sprang up as the advocate of a strong

centralized government. In August, 1912, the amalgamation of several smaller radical parties with the Tung-meng Hui brought about the formation of a new Nationalist Party, the Kwo-ming Tang, which was thoroughly organized with a declared policy to maintain the union of north and south, to develop local government, and to encourage the adoption of socialistic principles. This strengthening of its chief opponent led the Kung-ho Tang, or Republican Party, to organize more formally and it became the backbone of opposition to the Kwo-ming Tang by amalgamation with the Tung-yi and Ming Chu under the name of the Chin-pu Tang, or Progressive Party, continuing to support the President. China, however, is not ready for party government, nor is any party qualified to assume such responsibility..

The Movement to Restore the Monarchy.-In May, 1915, the famous twenty-one demands were made by Japan and these will be discussed in detail later. Suffice to say they left the one-man government of Yuan Shi-kai deplorably weak and steps were immediately taken to call the Constitutional Convention and elect a new National Assembly. At this juncture the movement to restore the monarchy under Yuan as Emperor began. The authorship of the movement is variously attributed to Yuan himself and to those conservatives who were fearful that unless a strong government were quickly set up disintegration would result. To whatever source the movement may be traced it soon took definite form in the organization of a "Peace Planning Society," conspicuous among whose charter members were close friends and supporters of Yuan Shi-kai. This society made adroit use of Dr. Goodnow's utterances on the strong points of a monarchical government, and used Mexico as an example of a weak government under a republic. Soon after this Dr. Goodnow made a statement denying the words attributed to him, but setting forth that

a restoration to monarchy would only be justified if accepted by the thinking people of China and the powers, if the succession to the throne were made indisputable, and the monarchy were limited by a constitution, with provision for the development of a more popular government. These opinions were also embodied by Dr. Goodnow in a long memorandum to President Yuan. Among the most violent attacks on the proposed change was one by Liang Chi-chao, the one-time leader of the Chin-pu Tang, who proclaimed that the wish to reform the conduct of government by a change in its form was nonsense. In October, 1916, the Council of State decided upon the election of citizens to a convention to decide upon the form of government. Meanwhile the militants urged Yuan to proclaim a monarchy, but he steadfastly refused until he had heard the "voice of the people." Just at this time the Japanese Charge d'Af-faires at Peking, backed by the Russian and British Minister and supported by the French, made representations to the President that in view of the unsettled conditions in the south consideration of this question should perhaps be postponed. The United States Government was now appealed to but refused to express an opinion. The Chinese Government thanked the foreign governments for their interest, but stated that it was an internal question and was already before the people and could not be withdrawn. They likewise guaranteed to maintain order. In the meantime the vote was being taken on the basis of the electoral census and resulted in all but 50 of the 2,043 electors declaring for a constitutional monarchy, and many of them specifying Yuan Shi-kai. Yuan, therefore, announced on December 11, 1916, that "in deference to the will of the people" he would become Emperor, the formal coronation to be held the following year after the Constitutional Convention had framed a permanent constitution. On the following day Yunnan Province in the south had revolted and

formed what was to be the nucleus of the Southern Confederacy.

The "Twenty-one Demands" by Japan.-In the meanwhile, on August 15, 1914, Japan had demanded the withdrawal of Germany from Kiachow, and meeting with their refusal proceeded to expel Germany by force. This brought the Great War to China's door in a forceful manner, but as Japan's ultimatum to Germany had called specifically for the delivery of the leased territory, "with a view to the eventual restoration of the same to China," China had no official cause to complain. Considerable uneasiness was felt throughout the Orient, however, at this time as to Japan's ultimate intentions. To allay these suspicions Count Okuma declared to the American public 'Japan has no territorial ambitions and hopes to stand as the protector of the peace of the Orient. I state to the people of America that Japan has no ulterior motive, no desire to secure more territory, no thought of depriving China or other peoples of anything which they now possess." By the end of 1914 the immediate end of the war was not in sight and unequalled opportunity presented itself, in the preoccupation of the powers in Europe, for Japan to satisfy various territorial and economic ambitions in China. These ambitions came under five general heads, first, to succeed Germany in Shantung; second, to consolidate the Manchurian territory obtained as a result of the Russo-Japanese war and add parts of inner Mongolia; third, to control the iron output of China; fourth, to render a military menace to Japan from the coasts of China impossible by preventing the lease of any of China's ports and coastal islands; and fifth, to obtain, if possible, such economic, military, and political domination over China as to make it practically a tributary to Japan. These five aims were contained in the famous Twenty-one Demands served on China on January 18, 1915. Absolute