tify it, on condition that an alteration should be made in one of the articles. Its contents having, in the mean time, been disclosed, the republican party exclaimed, in intemperate language, against most of the stipulations it contained. The partizans of France swelled the cry of condemnation. Public meetings were held in various parts of the union, at which resolutions were passed expressing warm disapprobation of the treaty, and an earnest wish that the president would withhold his ratification. Such appeared to be the wish of a great majority of the people.

General Washington, believing that an adjustment of differences would conduce to the prosperity of the republic, and that the treaty before him was the best that could, at that time, be obtained, gave it his assent, in defiance of popular clamour. So great was the confidence reposed by the people in their beloved chief magistrate, that the public sentiment began immediately to change. The friends of the treaty not only increased in numbers, but gained courage to speak in its defence. And during the summer of 1795, the nation was agitated by a zealous and animated discussion of its merits.

At the next session of congress, it became a subject of consideration in the house of representatives. The treaty, its negotiator, and even the president, were virulently censured, and warmly defended, in a debate which has seldom been equalled for its intemperance, its eloquence, or its duration. On the final question, a majority of three voted in favour of the appropriation ne

cessary to carry it into effect. The subsequent prosperity of American commerce demonstrates the wisdom of the president's decision.

The conduct of Spain towards the United States had ever been cold and unfriendly. She feared lest the principles of liberty and the desire of independence should find their way into her contiguous American provinces.

During the negotiations at Paris, which resulted in peace, she secretly exerted her influence to cause the western boundaries of the new republic, from the great lakes to Florida, to be fixed two or three hundred miles east of the Missisippi. To the repeated offers, which were afterwards made, to form with her a commercial treaty, and to make arrangements respecting the mutual navigation of that river, she pertinaciously declined to accede.

When the inhabitants beyond the Alleghany mountains had become numerous, she denied them access to the ocean by the medium of that river, the mouth of which was within her province of Louisiana. She intended, perhaps, to show them the importance of that privilege by withholding it, and to allure them by the promise of restoring it, to submit to her authority. The people of Kentucky, indignant at the deprivation, laid their complaints before congress. In bold and energetic language they asserted their rights, by the laws of God and of nature, to the free use of that noble river, and demanded that, at any cost, the acknowledgment of that right should be ob

tained.

At length Spain became involved in a war with France. Embarrassed at home, and intimidated by the unauthorized preparations which, under the auspices of Genet, were making in Kentucky to invade Louisiana, she intimated her readiness to conclude a satisfactory treaty, should an envoy extraordinary be sent to Madrid for that purpose. Thomas Pinkney was accordingly appointed. In October, 1795, a treaty was signed, securing to the citizens of the United States the free navigation of the Missisippi to the ocean, and the privilege of landing and depositing cargoes at New Orleans.

Thus were adjusted all controversies with two European powers, which, while they existed, retarded the prosperity, and disturbed the tranquillity of the country; and from which, at different periods, even war was seriously apprehended. In 1795, a treaty was also concluded with the regency of Algiers, with which the republic was previously at war. It stipulated that the United States, in conformity with the practice of other nations, should, as the price of peace, pay an annual tribute to the sovereign of that country.

Within the last two or three years, several changes took place in the important offices of the nation. On the first day of the year 1794, Mr. Jefferson resigned the office of secretary of state. He had performed the duties of that office with extraordinary ability, and to the entire satisfaction of the president. Having been minister to France at the commencement of the revolution there, he became acquainted with its prime

movers, and, anticipating from their exertions the diffusion of the principles of liberty, and the renovation of the government, was, in the early stages of its progress, its enthusiastic and undisguised defender. Of the republican party, he was considered the leader, enjoying their highest confidence and warmest attachment. He was succeeded by Edmund Randolph, of Virginia.

On the last day of January, 1795, Mr. Hamilton retired from the office of secretary of the treasury. He possessed distinguished talents, and had exerted those talents to establish order where all was confusion, and to raise from the lowest depression the credit of the country. His complete success greatly exalted his reputation, and to him the federalists felt a sincerity of attachment equalled only by that entertained for Washington. With him he had served in the revolutionary war, and had then acquired his confidence and affection, which he ever afterwards retained. Being the advocate of an energetic government, and averse to intrusting much power with the people, he was peculiarly obnoxious to the republican party. He was accused of par tiality to England, and of misconduct in office. After the closest scrutiny, his official character was acknowledged, by his enemies, to be without stain. He was succeeded by Oliver Wolcott, of Connecticut.

At the close of the year 1794, General Knox resigned the office of secretary of war, and Colonel Pickering, of Massachusetts, was appointed in his place. In August Mr. Randolph, having

lost the confidence of the president, and having in consequence retired from the administration, Mr. Pickering was appointed his successor in the department of state, and James M'Henry, of Maryland, was made secretary of war. No republican being now at the head of any of the departments, many of the leaders of that party withdrew their support from the administration; and licentious individuals, in their abusive attacks, dared to charge even the president with corruption. But the confidence of the people in his integrity and patriotism experienced not the slightest abatement.

The conduct of France towards the American republic continued to be a source of increasing trouble and vexation. Mr. Fauchet, the successor of Genet, bore, from those by whom he was deputed, the strongest assurances of friendship; but encouraged and supported by a numerous party, ardently attached to his nation, he gradually assumed towards the administration the tone of remonstrance and reproach. He charged it with sentiments of hostility to the allies of the United States, with partiality for their former foes, and urged the adoption of a course more favourable to the cause of liberty.

The American government was in fact desirous of fulfilling all its duties to France, and of conciliating her friendship. Mr. Morris, the minister to Paris, having incurred the displeasure of those in power, was recalled at their request, and his place supplied by Mr. Monroe of Virginia. This