making too large a catalogue of things necessary,' when in truth there are so very few things that have a right to be placed in it. Try every thing first in your judgement, before you allow it to place in your desire; else, your husband may think it as necessary for him to deny, as it is for you to have, whatever is unreasonable; and, if you shall too often give him that advantage, the habit of refusing may perhaps reach to things that are not unfit for you.

• There are unthinking ladies, who do not enough consider how little their own figure agreeth with the fine things they are so proud of. Others, when they have them, will hardly allow them to be visible: they cannot be seen without light, and that is many times so saucy and so pressing, that like a too froward gallant it is to be forbidden the chamber. Some, when you are ushered into their dark ruelle, it is with such solemnity, that a man would swear there was something in it; till the unskilful lady breaketh silence, and beginneth a chat, which discovereth it is a puppetplay with magnificent scenes. Many esteem things rather as they are to be gotten, than that they are worth getting. This looketh, as if they had an interest to pursue that maxim because a great part of their own value dependeth upon it. Truth in these cases would be often unmannerly, and might derogate from the prerogative great ladies would assume to themselves, of being distinct creatures from those of their sex, which are inferior and of less difficult

access.

In other things, too, your condition must give the rule to you; and, therefore, it is not a wife's part to aim at more than a bounded liberality: the farther extent of that quality (otherwise to be commended)

belongeth to the husband, who hath better means for it. Generosity, wrong-placed, becometh a vice. It is no more a virtue, when it groweth into an inconvenience; virtues must be enlarged, or restrained, according to differing circumstances. A princely mind will undo a private family: therefore things must be suited, or else they will not deserve to be commended, let them in themselves be never so valuable: and the expectations of the world are best answered, when we acquit ourselves in that manner which seemeth to be prescribed to our several conditions, without usurping upon those duties which do not so particularly belong I will close the consideration of this article of expense with this short word: do not fetter yourself with such a restraint in it, as may make you remarkable; but remember that virtue is the greatest ornament, and good sense the best equipage.

to us.

Cautions for Choice of Members of Parliament.

XIII. It would be of very great use to take general resolution throughout the kingdom, that none should be chosen for a county, but such as have either in possession or reversion a considerable estate in it; nor for a borough, except he be resident, or that he hath some estate in the county in present or expectancy.

There have been eminent men of law who were of opinion, that in the case of a burgess of a town not resident, the court is to give judgement according to the statute, notwithstanding custom to the contrary.

But not to insist now upon that, the pruden

tial part is argument enough to set up a rule to abrogate an ill custom.

There is not, perhaps, a greater cause of the corruption of parliaments, than by adopting members who may be said to have no title by their births.

The juries, are by the law, to be er vicineto; and shall there be less care, that the représentatives of the people be so too?

'Sure the interest of the county is best placed in the hands of such as have some share in it.

The outliers are not so easily kept within the pale of the laws.

They are often chosen without being known, which is more like choosing Valentines than members of parliament. The motive of their standing is more justly to be supposed that they may redress their own grievances which they know, than those of the country to which they are strangers.

They are chosen at London to serve in Cornwall, &c. and are often parties before they come to be representatives: one would think the reproach it is for a county, not to have men within their own circle to serve them in parliament, should be argument enough to reject these trespassers, without urging the ill consequences in other respects of being admitted.

'XIV. As in some cases it is advisable to give a total exclusion to men not fitly qualified, so in others it is more proper to lay down a general rule of caution, with allowance of some exceptions, where men have given such proofs of themselves as create a right for them to be distinguished.

Of this nature is that which I shall say concern

ing Lawyers, who by the same reason that they may be useful, may be also very dangerous.

'The negligence and want of application in gentlemen hath made them [lawyers] to be thought more necessary than naturally they are in parliament.

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They have not only engrossed the chair of the Speaker, but that of a Committee is hardly thought to be well filled except it be by a man of the robe.

• This maketh it worthy of the more serious reflexion of all gentlemen, that it may be an argument to them to qualify themselves in parliamentary learning in such a manner, as that they may rely upon their own abilities in order to the serving of their country.

'But to come to the point in question: it is not without precedent, that practising lawyers have been excluded from serving in parliament; and without following those patterns strictly, I cannot but think it reasonable that, whilst a parliament sitteth, no member of parliament should plead at any bar.

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The reason of it is in many respects strong in itself, and is grown much stronger by the long sitting of parliaments of late: but I will not dwell upon this; the matter now in question being concerning lawyers being elected, which I conceive should be done with so much circumspection, that probably it would not often happen.

• If lawyers have great practice, that ought to take them up: if not, it is no great sign of their ability; and at the same time giveth a suspicion, that they may be more liable to be tempted,

If it should be so in fact, that no King ever wanted Judges to soften the stiffness of the laws that

were made so as to make them suit better with the reason of state and the convenience of the government; it is no injury now to suppose it possible for lawyers in the House of Commons so to behave themselves in the making of new laws, as the better to make way for the having their robes lined with fur.

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They are men used to argue on both sides of a question; and if ordinary fees can inspire them with very good reasons in a very ill cause, that faculty exercised in parliaments, where it may be better encouraged, may prove very inconvenient to those that choose them.

And therefore, without arraigning a profession that it would be scandalous for a man not to honour, one may by a suspicion (which is the more excusable, when it is in the behalf of the people) imagine, that the habit of taking money for their opinion may create in some such a forgetfulness to distinguish that they may take it for their vote.

They are generally men, who by a laborious study hope to be advanced: they have it in their eye, as a reward for the toil they undergo.

This maketh them generally very slow, and ill disposed (let the occasion never so much require it) to wrestle with that soil where preferment groweth.

Now if the supposition be in itself not unreasonable, and that it should happen to be strengthened and confirmed by experience, it will be very unnecessary to say any more upon this article, but leave it to the electors to consider of it.'