promised quarter: in short, he every day invented or exercised new forms of barbarity.*

It was upon this occasion, that the Earl of Ormond received his first military appointment from Charles I. in an affectionate letter (dated Edinburgh, October 1641) desiring him to take upon him the command of the army, as Lieutenant General of his Majesty's forces in Ireland.

In consequence of this commission, he served his Sovereign with all the zeal which bravery and fidelity could inspire; though not with the success which might have been expected, had he been at liberty to form his own measures, and to improve those occasional advantages, which the delays of the Lords Justices frequently compelled him to forego. In the mean time, he was compelled to struggle with numberless calumnies, which his loyalty probably drew upon him; for at this time the prevailing party in England began to charge the King, among other attempts against the constitution and the religion of the realm, with the crime of having encouraged the Irish Rebellion. Having defeated the rebels however at • Kilrush, and distinguished himself by many other achievements, his Majesty whose affairs were in such a situation that he had nothing but honours to bestow, in 1642 created him Marquis of Ormond.

About the same time, the decision of a dispute be

*The accounts, however, which have been generally propagated of this horrid massacre, are in many circumstances very remote from truth. It is asserted, that at least 150,000 English were destroyed;' and, to aggravate the horror, it is added that they were all butchered in one day!' But it is certain, that there was no particular day appointed for this national carnage; and it is highly probable, that the numbers massacred did not exceed one fourth of the number specified.

tween him and the Earl of Leicester (then Lord Lieutenant) authorised him, in the absence of that functionary, to dispose of such posts as should become vacant in the army. But this new dignity, with all it's influence, conferred no real strength; and he was only exposed to the mortification of seeing himself unable to display his gratitude to his royal master by any important service. Some forces were, indeed, despatched to his assistance; but under commanders, who rather prevented than promoted the suppression of the rebels by their indiscriminate pillage, unrelenting severity, and ungovernable insubordination.

In the spring of the year 1643, an expedition was projected for the conquest of Ross and Wexford. Of these, Ormond would soon have been able to take the first, at that time but weakly garrisoned, had not the Justices neglected to send him both ammunition and victuals for his soldiers. Under these circumstances, it was judged necessary, by counterfeiting a retreat, to induce the enemy to sally out, and come to an engagement. The stratagem succeeded: the rebel army was defeated; and the Marquis, gaining possession of the open country, supplied his troops for a short time with abundant provisions.

When these were exhausted, however, they were compelled to break up and return to Dublin, where they were again to represent, to remonstrate, to pe tition, and to starve. The Justices were unwilling, that the King should receive any correct information of the state of the nation, or of the army: Ormond therefore, who was not equally inclined to make his Sovereign contemptible, despatched without their concurrence a narrative concerted between himself and several of the Privy Council.

This, with other accounts to the same purport, produced such an effect, that the Lord Justice, Sir William Parsons, was at length removed from his office. But the change of one of the Governors, though it relieved the Marquis from some of his embarrassments, contributed very little to the support of his army, whose necessities grew daily more pressing, as the Papists were constantly extending their quarters in all directions.

Under these circumstances, it was at length judged expedient to propose on the part of his Majesty a cessation of arms; and accordingly a commission to treat was transmitted to the General, which though he highly approved of the measure, he knew not how to set on foot without disgrace to his employer.

For the King's honour it was necessary, that the first overture should be made by the rebels; and it was likewise proper, that the Council should solemnly avow their conviction of the impracticability of establishing peace by any other means. In order to procure overtures from the Irish, agents were employed, who after long deliberation prevailed upon them to propose a cessation for twelve months; and to deprive the Justices of any pretext, that the negotiation had been set on foot either without their concurrence or in opposition to their advice, the Marquis demanded in full council, Whether any man could suggest a proposal more honourable for his Majesty, or more advantageous to the State, than that of a cessation?' Still farther, to prevent any observations to the discredit of his courage or of his loyalty, he declared, That if the Justices and Council, who were best acquainted with the condition of the public finances, could procure only 10,000l. (half in money,

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and half in ammunition and provisions) he would continue to prosecute the war with all his power.'

Upon this, the Mayor of Dublin and some of the most wealthy citizens, who had been summoned to attend, avowed their opinion, that from the exhausted state of the country no such levy could be made.' The Marquis was, therefore, at full liberty to pursue his own measures: but the rebels, fully sensible of their superiority, were not easily to be persuaded to favourable terms.

About this time, likewise, arrived a Commissioner from the Pope, with a supply of money and with stores of war. These added great weight to the influence, which his Holiness exerted in opposing the cessation: but there were in the Popish army men of rank and reputation, who still retained a feeling of duty toward the King, and who ardently wished to put a stop to the desolations of their country. These persons earnestly supported the measure, and by their means it was at last adopted.

The Articles, indeed, were not ratified till September; and, during the interval, the Irish had not only gathered in their own harvest, but had frequently ventured by night into the English quarters, and carried off theirs. The delay however was unavoidable, where so many persons of different interests, opinions, and inclinations were to be consulted.

This cessation, while it broke the union and relaxed the ardor of the Papists, was pronounced by Ormond's enemies an unseasonable concession; and loud clamors were raised, as if the Protes tant interest had been betrayed. But these complaints had no weight with his Majesty. On the other hand, the influence, fidelity, and diligence of

the Marquis became so conspicuous, that he soon afterward received the sword of state, as Lieutenant of Ireland. But the disorders of that unhappy kingdom had proceeded too far, to yield to a government which was without force to support itself; which only a very small district professed to obey; and which possessed no advantage, except that of it's legality.

To endeavour to retain all, without having the means of recompensing any, and to command without the power of compulsion, were arduous functions. There were few, who thought their duty of so much importance, as to be preferable to their interest; and many, even of those who were naturally inclined to the right, in the distraction of opposite motives were unable correctly to determine their own choice. In the midst of these perplexities, it was expected that he should send some assistance to the Royalists: but armies could not be enlisted, nor transported, without pay or provision; and he was unprovided with both.

The Irish during the cessation, by which some desires of a permanent peace could not but be excited, despatched commissioners to Oxford, to treat with the King. These, having first proposed conditions which could not without reproach be granted, in a few days moderated their demands; insisting chiefly on the abrogation of the penal laws against recusants, the right of enjoying posts and offices in the government, the exclusion from parliament of all persons who had not property within the island, and a general act of oblivion which should secure both the persons and the estates of those to whom it applied.

To these were added other propositions, less important in their object, or less extensive in their con