Page images
PDF
EPUB

gles, extend them to other ports, broaden them out from individual ship strikes to larger mass struggles becaose [sic] we have carried on the policy of concentration. Our main energy was concentrated upon 1 company and 45 ship strikes were developed out of this concentration. As a result these struggles have become a lever which we are now using to set the masses into action and winning the mass of the workers."

The party stated as follows in 1937: In this generally favorable situation, our party members have a chance to work with tens of thousands of workers. We are an influence in determining policies. Large numbers of seamen, longshoremen, and other workers from the industry have joined the party in various ports from coast to coast.”

That Communists dominated certain maritime unions by the end of World War II has been established through studies on how the leadership in those unions has consistently adhered to shifting patterns of the Communist Party line.

When Germany breached its nonaggression pact with Russia and invaded the Soviet Union in 1941, certain of the maritime unions called for United States support of Russia. After the war, when RussoUnited States relations became strained, the same unions continued to support Soviet policies, even though to do so put such unions in a position of openly opposing undertakings of the United States in both domestic and foreign matters.

The CIO became alarmed, investigated, and expelled nine affiliates, including three maritime unions, for the reason that such unions had, for more than a decade, invariably conformed their policies to each shift in the Communist Party policy.

In addition, other evidence taken at congressional hearings further revealed the sinister danger to maritime security implicit in the Communist control of these unions.

The American Communications Association, expelled from the CIO in 1950, was criticized by Admiral S. C. Hooper as “* * * the nucleus of the Communist Party cell in United States communications *** a well-known fact in the industry, and was shown by the fact that 7 of its 10 officers were known Communist Party members ***." In emphasizing the danger from such cells, the admiral recounted the example of the Spanish Fleet in 1937: * * * 700 officers were murdered by the Communist Party cells in the fleet because of the fact that the radio operators delivered the announcement of the Communist revolution to their comrades rather than to the responsible ship's officers, which permitted the revolutionists to commit the crimes, the officers not expecting it.

Communist influence in the National Union of Marine Cooks and Stewards was such that the CIO expelled it in 1950.

The National Labor Relations Board was unable to wrest control over jobs from the group running the union hiring hall. Board case studies unfolded the many individual stories of violence and vilification wreaked upon courageous anti-Communists who dared to file charges against the union or undertake to defeat the entrenched forces in open elections.

1 HCUA hearings, "Communist Activities in the San Francisco Area," Dec. 2, 1953, p. 3175.

' Ibid., p. 3177.
3 Senate Internal Security Subcommittee, Report for 1954, Jan. 3, 1955, pp. 20-22.

The CIO expulsion of the West Coast International Longshoremen's Union and the trials of its leader, Harry Bridges, are matters of public record and knowledge. The HCÚA had this to say about this union:

This has 75,000 members. They have effective control of many ports in the C.S.A. and more than once have used it to paralyze shipping. Communist domination of this union in wartime could wreck the whole U.S. fighting power.

Harry Bridges is still president of the West Coast Longshoremen's Union.

Neither the CIO expulsion of Communist unions nor the notoriety received from congressional exposure has deterred the Communist Party in its program of maritime union infiltration. Typically, the party revised its tactics to hold its ground.

The HCUA reported in 1954 that, the material from which to recruit was no longer available among the workers * * *. Therefore, the Communist Party directed its intellectuals and white-collarWorker members to leave their own chosen fields and to obtain employment in the basic industries. This the Communist Party did, starting in late 1948 and early 1949.5

The party went underground in 1948 and Director J. Edgar Hoover had this to say: No longer are Communist Party membership cards issued; maintenance of membership records are forbidden; contacts of rank-and-file members are limited from 3 to 5—the basic club unit. Most of the local headquarters have been discontinued and party records have been destroyed. No evening meetings are permitted in headquarters without staff members present. Conventions and large meetings are held to the absolute minimum. The use of the telephone and telegraph is avoided.

The party today is back in the open due to Supreme Court decisions of the past several years. It is just as dedicated to the destruction of this country by force and violence as it ever was. There has been no change in its goal of world domination and control, nor has there been a lessening in its policies of infiltration.

The threat to our security by infiltration was clear and present when the Magnuson Act became law on August 9, 1950. This was the period of growing public concern over Communist action in Korea. Today we have another example of Communist aggression in Vietnam.

The Supreme Court held that the Magnuson Act gave the President no express authority to set up a personnel security screening program with respect to merchant vessels of the United States. In spelling out congressional intent, Senator Magnuson in sponsoring the bill before the Senate stated : This is not a national emergency measure; it is only a limited emergency measure to take care of the water front security of the Nation. * * * It would be impossible for destruction to come to any great port of the United States, of which there are many, as the result of a ship coming into port with an atomic bomb or with biological or other destructive agency, without some liaison ashore. This would give authority to the President to instruct the FBI, in cooperation with the Coast Guard, the Navy, or any other appropriate governmental agency, to go to our water fronts and pick out people who might be subversives or security risks to this country. * * *?

4 HCCA, “100 Things You Should Know About Communism," House Doc. 136, 82d Cong., 1st sess., p. 82.

SHCUA, “Colonization of America's Basic Industries by the Communist Party of the
C.S.A.," Sept. 3, 1954, p. 13.

& Jbid., p. 15.
? Cong. Record, vol. 96, part 8, p. 11321, July 28, 1950.

It seems to me that congressional intent was clear and that subversives or security risks were to be picked out from wherever they were found. But the Supreme Court said there was no express authority so I hope that congressional intent is made absolutely clear when the present bill is brought up on the floor of the House.

The Commission on Government Security determined that a port security program is necessary to protect United States shipping, ports. harbor, installations, and the Panama Canal from destruction and crippling damage by saboteurs and subversives. As a member of the staff of that Commission, I thoroughly agree with its findings and recommendations.

In my opinion, the danger to our country from international communism is greater today than ever before. The United States cannot coexist with communism because communism will not permit coexistence.

I sincerely hope that the bill discussed here today, H.R. 15626, is passed, and quickly.

Mr. Tuck. We thank you very much, Mr. Tracy.

I would like for the record to show that Mr. Tracy had a very long and distinguished record of public service to the country. For 13 years prior to his retirement in 1954, he was assistant to the Director of the FBI. He is presently a member of the strategy staff of the American Security Council.

He served as associate counsel in the Project Survey Division of the Commission on Government Security and that was 1956 and 1957. Prior to joining the FBI in 1933, he served with the Department of Labor Naturalization Service and the Veterans Administration.

I have no questions to ask of you but some of the other committee members may have some questions.

Mr. Tracy. I have an item that I worked on yesterday, but did not have time to put into my statement. I would like to suggest due to the decisions of the Supreme Court it has not been possible to force the Communist Party so far to register. However, the Supreme Court decision in the Robel case referred to it as a political association. Now, if the Republican Party and the Democratic Party have to file lists of contributions, I suggest this committee consider legislation to require contributors of money to Communist-action groups be made a matter of public record.

Probably that would open the party more to exposure to the American public.

Mr. ASHBROOK. Can I ask you whether or not they are trying to influence an election?

Mr. Tracy. If it is a political party it would try to influence elections.

Mr. ASHBROOK. Political parties do not have to report expenditures of money. That would be the Communist argument.

Mr. Tracy. I am only thinking of the contributors who support it, and contributions are listed.

Mr. Ashbrook. All of the money contributed to a party this year would be. Last year for its operation it was not listed if it was not trying to effect an election. Of course, the Communists argue they are not trying to effect particular elections.

Mr. Tracy. If it is a political party, I think it might be worth a try.

Mr. WATSON. If the chairman will permit me, I agree with you that it is not a political party and it is not a political affiliation, and my only comment is to thank you, Mr. Tracy; you have always been helpful to this committee.

As you well know, it is not the most popular committee in the world, because we are in the business of exposing subversive activity and you are never popular when you do that.

It looks to me since we have so many able men such as yourself and the American Security Council and we have the overwhelming majority of the Congress and the overwhelming majority of the American people, but we have difficulty a lot of times with the Federal agencies and especially the courts in trying to discharge our responsibilities.

So, we appreciate your help here in testifying today.
Mr. Tracy. I thank you, it is my pleasure.
STATEMENT OF LOYD WRIGHT, FORMER PRESIDENT, THE

AMERICAN BAR ASSOCIATION

Mr. Tracy. Now, Mr. Chairman, you invited Loyd Wright, past president of the American Bar Association and Chairman of the Commission on Government Security , to be present but he was unable to be here.

He is attending a meeting in Chicago and will be en route back. He has asked me to deliver to you his letter transmitting his prepared statement that he asked be accepted as part of the hearing record in this proceeding.

Mr. Tuck. Unless there is objection, it is so ordered.
(Mr. Wright's statement follows:)
STATEMENT OF LOYD WRIGHT, FORMER PRESIDENT OF THE

AMERICAN BAR ASSOCIATION
Mr. Chairman and Distinguished Members of the Committee:

I deeply appreciate the privilege and opportunity of commenting upon the committee's efforts by way of H.R. 15626 to shore up the havoc caused by the Supreme Court decisions in the field of preserving our national security and the effort to overcome technical objections raised by a majority of the Supreme Court of the United States which obviously run counter to the expressed purposes of Congress fulfilling its responsibility to preserve our Nation. It is my opinion that the bill clearly cures the alleged faults found by the Supreme Court to exist in the Subversive Activities Control Act of 1950.

It is regretful and alarming that this distinguished committee must devote so much of its time, efforts, and abilities to impress upon a majority of a vagrant Court that the Congress, in expressing the will of the people to preserve our national security, has acted within the commonsense interpretation of the Constitution and the Bill of Rights. I believe the proposed bill is constitutional and should be so held by any person worthy of being a Federal judge.

I have had the privilege of reading the statement that Stanley J. Tracy filed with the committee, and I wish except where in direct conflict herewith to be identifield therewith and by this reference adopt the same as my own. I have the temerity, Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Committee, to make one or two suggestions that I believe will fortify the rights of the individuals involved and will tend to strengthen the national security.

On page 13, the fifth line, I believe that the disjunctive "or" should be used in lieu and instead of the conjunctive "and.” It is conceivable that a saboteur, spy, or others of similar ilk would receive instructions or training without paying dues to any cell or unit wishing to use their disloyal tendencies to further the Communists' insidious program.

In reference to the provision at the top of page 19 providing that notice be given the applicant by regular first-class mail, I respectfully suggest that the delivery of mail is today so uncertain and sporadic that such notice should be given either by registered mail or certified mail.

On page 19, subparagraph (n), third line, I suggest that the words "have power to” and “and, in his discretion for good cause shown" should be stricken. A citizen charged with disloyalty is entitled to have available such witnesses as will be necessary and desirable to develop all the truth.

In a case, now pending on reviews in the courts, a faceless accusor refused for his own reasons to attend depositions or court hearing in the presence of the applicant. It is true that under present directive, the Secretary of Defense could have relieved him if he certified his appearance would be inimical to the national security. This was not done. The witness was referred to by the Defense Depart. ment as Witness "X" and refused to attend for his own reasons, unattached to the security of the Nation. He could not be subpenaed because the hearing, as well as the trial in the district court, was in Los Angeles and the witness in New York.

All efforts to have this man confront the applicant were refused by the Defense Department, and the applicant to this day does not know the name of his accuser. The district court held there was no evidence to sustain the charge of unworthiness on the part of the applicant to receive the clearance sought. As in the Greene case, the applicant, an American citizen of many years, lost his position and could not find employment elsewhere. If this faceless accuser had been subject to subpena the truth could have been developed and this law abiding citizen restored to his position. The record in this case is replete with similar arbitrary action on the part of those representing the Department of Defense.

It is common knowledge that enthusiastic lawyers representing the Government in these cases assume a superior attitude that makes them believe that they have the unrestricted right to determine the case, when their proper function is to develop the truth. I therefore respectfully urge that the power of subpena should be firm and fixed because while the present language vests in the President or his designee for such purposes the discretion to issue process, it is a well-known fact that the very people who violate the spirit of the fifth amendment in prosecuting an applicant are the persons upon whom the President must rely. This has and will continue to work injustices that should no be countenanced in a nation which professes to be run by the rule of the law.

It is now nearly 11 years since the Commission on Government Security rendered its report to the President and to the Congress. We recommend and I strongly urge the establishment of a Central Security Office and I have the temerity to suggest that the recommendation of the Commission on Government Security be carefully considered by this distinguished committee and implemented by legislation.

I hope and pray that the committee will adopt H.R. 15626 and that consideration be given to the suggestions herein contained.

There are certain thoughts that have occurred to me in considering this bill and I would like to express some of them with the hope that they will exercise a catalytic influence upon the committee.

Our country is beset by evil influences fully as dangerous as the Communist influence, if, indeed, most of them are not instigated directly or indirectly by agitation by the Communists in the first instance. We Americans seem disposed not to believe that there could be any influence to overthrow our Government, particularly if those advocating the overthrow have the temerity to forewarn us. It comes to mind the warning of the little Austrian paperhanger, who told the world what he was going to do in Mein Kampf, but the English and we paid no attention whatever to it. The results are well known to us all. The Communists have time and again expressed their intention to demoralize our people and obstruct our justice. It is my belief that recent events on the various campuses of our outstanding universities were instigated and initiated with the design on the part of the Communists to accomplish just what has been done. H. Rap Brown and Stokely Carmichael are permitted by the Justice Department to travel all over the world, particularly all over our country, advocating anarchy. This brings me to the point as to whether it would be desirable for the committee to recast definitions in the Subversive Activities Control Act of 1950 so that there will be included such organizations inimicable with the safety of the Nation such as “black power” and an inquiry made of the Justice Department to ascertain if the Attorney General is not familiar with section 3 of Article III of the Constitution and if so, make further inquiry as to why those irresponsible, and perhaps

« PreviousContinue »