night out of the tower of London, had been secretly conveyed over sea to other divers countries, and had remained there certain years as unknown.' Does not this meagre account, in circumstances when the clearest proofs were required, betray a secret consciousness that his history would not bear investigation?

2. His assertions seem to have been generally disbelieved by the nation. The persons who adhered to him in France, were most, if not all of them outlaws: and the gentlemen who were attainted on his account in England, seem to have suffered, not so much for having admitted his pretensions, as for their attempts to ascertain who he was, which Henry ascribed to a treasonable disaffection towards himself. After that period no person of note attached himself to the pretender. When he landed on the coast of Kent, he was immediately repulsed; when he entered England successively at the head of a Scottish army, and was in a condition to protect his friends, not an individual repaired to his standard; and when he afterwards assumed the command of the Cornish insurgents, he did not debauch a single gentleman from his allegiance to Henry. It is not credible that the numerous partisans of the house of York would have remained quiet on all these occasions, unless they had reason to believe him an impostor.

3. This is strongly corroborated by the conduct of Henry. Would his jealousy have spared the real duke of York, when he had him once in his power? Would he have exhibited him to the gaze of the populace on the road, or of the citizens of London, of whom many could have recognised his features? Would he have suffered him to roam at liberty through the palace at Westminster for six months, exposed to the daily view of the queen, her sisters, and the principal nobility? After his flight and recapture, would not the king have gladly employed that plausible pretext for getting rid of so dangerous a competitor? Whoever compares his conduct to the earl of Warwick with his conduct to Warbeck, will be convinced that as he knew the former to be a real Plantagenet, so he believed the latter to be no other than an impostor.

4. But how are we to account for the acknowledgment of his claim by foreign powers? It may be observed that, if the union of the two roses by the marriage of Henry and Elizabeth, had satisfied many of the Yorkists, there still existed a party, which through enmity to the house of Lancaster, sought to raise to the throne the young earl of Warwick. At its head was the duchess of Burgundy. She first patronised the imposture of Simnel, afterwards that of Warbeck. If either had succeeded, there would have been little difficulty in removing the phantom, to make place for the reality. The conduct of Charles VIII. proves nothing more than his wish to distress and intimidate Henry. He had previonsly attempted to raise the friends of Warwick when that failed, Warbeck, probably at his instigation, solicited the aid of the Yorkists in Ireland; and, on their refusal, was invited to the French court as heir to the English crown. But the event proved that this invitation had no other object than to induce Henry to sign the

treaty. From the moment that was accomplished Perkin received no countenance from the king of France. With respect to the king of Scotland, there seems to have been much also of policy in the reception which he gave to the adventurer. It was argued, that if Perkin were successful, he could refuse nothing to the prince who had placed him on the throne; that if he were not, Henry would still make advantageous offers to James, to detach him from the cause of his rival. On this account, says Polydore, the king, whether it were through error and pity, or only through dissimulation, began to show him great honor, &c., p. 597. The consideration of these circumstances has left little doubt on my mind that Warbeck was an impostor.'

To Henry VII. much of the modern civilisation of the English nation, is said to be owing. He throughout his reign strenuously endeavoured to depress the nobility and clergy, and to exalt and humanise the people. In the feudal times, every nobleman was possessed of a certain number of vassals, over whom he had, by various methods, acquired an almost absolute power; and, therefore, upon every slight disgust, he was able to influence them to join him in a revolt. Henry considered, that the giving of his barons a power to sell their estates, which were before unalienable, must greatly weaken their interest. This liberty, therefore, he gave them; and it proved highly pleasing to the commons. His next scheme was to prevent their giving liveries to many hundreds of their dependents, who were thus kept like the soldiers of a standing army to be ready at the command of their lord. By an act passed in this reign, none but menial servants were allowed to wear a livery; and this law was enforced under severe penalties. With the clergy, Henry was not so successful. The number of criminals of all kinds who found protection in monasteries and other places appointed for religious worship, seemed to indicate little less than an absolute toleration of all vice. Henry used his interest with the pope to get these sanctuaries abolished, but to no purpose. All that he could procure was, that if thieves, murderers, or robbers, registered as sanctuary men should sally out and commit fresh offences, and retreat, in such cases they might be taken out of the sanctuary, and delivered up to justice. In 1500, the king's eldest son Arthur was married to the Infanta Catharine of Spain, which marriage had been projected and negociated seven years. But the prince dying in a few months, the princess contracted a second marriage with his younger brother Henry, who was created prince of Wales. Henry himself is said to have made all the opposition to this arrangement of which a youth of twelve years of age was capable; but as the king persisted in his resolution, the marriage was eventually solemnised under a dispensation from the pope. In the latter part of the king's reign, his economy degenerated into avarice. His two ministers Empson and Dudley, perfectly qualified to second his avaricious views, committed to prison by indictment all persons whom they intended to oppress; and they seldom obtained their freedom but by paying heavy fines, which ́

were called mitigations and compositions. By degrees the very forms of law were omitted; and the property of his subjects, confiscated in the most arbitary and open manner, was transferred to the royal treasury.-Henry VII. died. of the gout in his stomach, A. D. 1509, having lived ifty-two years, and reigned twenty-three. In his reign was built the celebrated vessel, called the Great Harry, which cost £14,000. This was properly speaking, the first ship of the royal navy. Before this period, when the king wanted a fleet, his expedient was to hire the vessels of the merchants.

Henry VIII. ascended the throne when he was about eighteen years of age, under almost every advantage which a prince could possess. He had a well-stored treasury, an undisputed title, and was at peace with all the powers of Europe. Commerce and arts had been some time introduced into England, where they met with a favorable reception. The young prince himself was of elegant person and manners, expert in all the accomplishments and martial exercises of the day; and beloved by all his subjects. He was also an adept in divinity we are told, at the age of seventeen. These advantages, however, seemed to have been united with a most capricious and tyrannical disposition; and however fortunate some of his measures proved, it is impossible that his general motives or the means to which he could resort to accomplish his purposes, can be approved by any good man. One of his first and best acts was to punish Empson and Dudley, who were obnoxious to the people, as instruments of the late king's rapacity. As they could not be impeached merely for executing the will of the king, they were accused of having entered into a treasonable conspiracy to seize by force the administration of government; and though nothing could be more improbable, the general prejudice against them was so great, that they were both condemned and executed. In 1510 Henry entered into a league with pope Julius II. and Ferdinand, king of Spain, against Louis XII. of France. In this alliance Henry was the only disinterested person. He promised himself nothing but the glory which he hoped would attend his arms, and the title of Most Christian King, which the pope assured him should be transferred to him from the king of France. The pope was desirous of wresting from Louis some valuable provinces which he possessed in Italy, and Ferdinand was anxious for a share in the spoil. Henry, on summoning his parliament, proclaimed his determination to annex the kingdom of France to the crown of England; and was readily furnished with large supplies. It was in vain that one of his more prudent counsellors objected, that conquests on the continent would only drain the kingdom without enriching it; and that England from its situation, was not fitted to enjoy extensive empire. The young king, deaf to all remonstrances, and hurried away by his military ardor, resolved immediately to begin the war. But after several attempts, which were rendered unsuccessful by the mismanagement of those who conducted them, a peace with France was concluded on the 7th August, 1514. Henry's arms

were more fortunate in Scotland, where James IV. with the greatest part of the Scots nobility, and 10,000 men, were cut off in the battle of Flowden. See SCOTLAND. Henry in the mean time, elevated with his success, continued to lavish his treasures in pleasure, and in' further expensive preparations for war. The ministers originally selected for him by his father were now disregarded; and his confidence was engrossed by Thomas, afterwards Cardinal Wolsey, who aided and flattered him in all his favorite pursuits. See WOLSEY. The king having soon exhausted the treasures left him by his father, as well as the supplies which he could obtain from his parliament, consulted with Wolsey upon new methods of replenishing his coffers. This minister's first scheme was to obtain a large sum from the people under the title of benevolence; though no title could be more improperly applied as it was not granted without the greatest murmurings and complaints. Having exacted also a considerable sum from the clergy, Wolsey further applied to the house of commons; but they only granted half the money be demanded. The minister highly offended, desired to be heard in the house, but they replied, that none could be permitted to sit and argue there, except their own members. Soon after, the king having occasion for new supplies, attempted, by Wolsey's advice, to procure them by his prerogative alone, and issued out commissions to all the counties of England for levying 4s. in the pound from the clergy, and 3s. 4d. from the laity. This stretch of power was soon opposed, and a general insurrection threatened the royal authority. Henry endeavoured to pacify the people by circular letters; in which he declared, that what he demanded was only by way of benevolence. The city of London, however, still hesitated, and in some parts of the country open resistance was manifested. This was at last suppressed by the duke of Suffolk; but Wolsey was blamed by both the king and council for his precipitate advice. To reinstate himself in the king's favor, Wolsey made him a present of the noble edifice of White Hall, then called York Palace, at Westminster, assuring him, that from the first he had intended it for the king's use. In order to have a pretext for amassing further wealth, Wolsey next undertook to found two new colleges at Oxford; and for this purpose received every day fresh grants from the pope and the king. The former gave him liberty to suppress several monasteries, and make use of their revenues for the erection of his new edifices; which proved a fatal precedent for the pontiff's interests, as it taught the king to seize on the monastic revenues whenever he stood in need of money. Wolsey now continued for a consider able time to enjoy the king's unlimited confidence; and as no monarch was ever more despotic than Henry VIII., no minister was ever more powerful than this churchman. His extraordinary elevation, served only to render his speedy fall the more conspicuous. He had long indeed known the king's capricious temper; but like most other royal favorites imagined himself unusually secure. The cause of his overthrow was connected with the question of the king's

divorce, and the dawning change in the religion of the country. The doctrines of the Reformation propagated by Luther in 1517, had gained considerable ground in England, and many professed a belief in them, notwithstanding the severe persecution which had been carried on against heretics. The clergy had become so exceedingly corrupt, and were immersed in such ignorance, that they were universally hated even by their own party, while no regard at all was paid to their decisions, or rather they were looked upon with the utmost abhorrence, by the reformers. Even the papal authority, though still very great, had within the last ten years declined very sensibly The marriage of Henry with his late brother's wife, was a transaction which all the religionists of the day agreed unequivocally to censure; and as it was only sanctioned from the first by a dispensation from the pope, it had been frequently objected to on public occasions. The states of Castile are said to have opposed a marriage betwixt the emperor Charles and the English princess Mary, Henry's daughter, urging, among other things, the illegitimacy of her birth. The same objection afterwards occurred on opening a negociation with France for a marriage with the duke of Orleans. Nor were these Henry's only motives. The queen was six years older than himself, her personal charms were decayed, and his affection lessened. All her children had died in infancy except the princess Mary; and Henry was, or pretended to be, greatly affected with this. Another point of the utmost importance was the succession to the crown, which any question concerning the legitimacy of the king's marriage would involve in confusion; and the king of Scotland would step in as the next heir. But above all, Henry was influenced by a passion he now entertained for Anne Boleyn, a maid of honor to the queen. See BOLEYN. In this station Henry had frequent opportunities of seeing her, and finding her virtue inflexible, he was obstinately bent upon the divorce. He now, therefore, sent his secretary to Rome to obtain from Clement VII. a bull for dissolving his marriage with Catharine. That he might not seem to entertain any doubt of the pope's prerogative, he insisted only on some grounds of nullity in the bull granted by Julius II. for the accomplishment of the marriage. In the preamble to this bull, it had been said, that it was granted only upon the solicitation of Henry; though it was known that he was then a youth under twelve years of age it was likewise asserted, that the bull was necessary for maintaining the peace between the two crowns; though it is certain that there was no appearance of a quarrel between them. These false premises seemed to afford a good pretence for dissolving it; but, as the affairs of Europe then stood, the pope was involved in the utmost perplexity. Queen Catharine was aunt to the emperor, who had lately made Clement himself a prisoner, and whose resentment he still dreaded besides, he could not, with any degree of prudence, declare the bull of the former pope illicit, as this would give a mortal blow to the doctrine of papal infallibility. On the other hand, Henry was his protector and friend; the

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dominions of England were the chief resource from whence his finances were supplied; and the king of France, some time before, had obtained a bull of divorce in circumstances nearly similar. In this exigence he endeavoured to spin out the affair by negociation; and, in the mean time, sent over a commission to Wolsey, in conjunction with the archbishop of Canterbury, or any other English prelate, to examine the validity of the king's marriage, and of the former dispensation; granting them also a provisional dispensation for his marriage with any other person. When the pope's message was laid before the English council, they considered that the advice and authority thus given by the pope might easily be hereafter disavowed; and that a clandestine marriage would totally invalidate the legitimacy of any issue from it which the king might have. Fresh messengers in consequence were dispatched to Rome, and evasive answers returned; the pope not imagining that Henry's passion would last through the course of a tedious ecclesiastical controversy. But in this he was mistaken. The king, in the first place, had been taught to dispute as well as the pope, and valued himself greatly on his knowledge of theology; to his arguments, secondly, he felt the power of adding threats, telling his followers that the English were too well disposed to withdraw from the holy see; and that if he continued uncomplying, the whole kingdom, with himself, would be disposed to deny obedience to a pontiff that had treated him with falsehood and duplicity. The king is said even to have asked his holiness, whether, if he were not permitted to divorce his present queen, he might not have a dispensation for having two wives? Perceiving Henry's eagerness, the pontiff at length sent his cardinal legate Campegio, to London; who, with Wolsey, opened a court for trying the legitimacy of the king's marriage with Catharine, and cited the king and queen before them. The trial commenced the 31st May, 1529; and both parties presented themselves. The king answered to his name when called: but the queen, instead of answering to hers, rose from her seat, and, throwing herself at the king's feet, made a very pathetic harangue; which her dignity, her virtue, and misfortunes, rendered still more affecting. She told her husband, That she was a stranger in his cominions, without protection, without council, and without assistance; exposed to all the injustice which her enemies were pleased to impose upon her: that she had quitted her native country, without any other resource than her connexions with him and his family; and that, instead of suffering thence any violence or iniquity, she had been assured of having in them a safeguard against every misfortune: that she had been his wife during twenty years; and would here appeal to himself, whether her affectionate submission to his will had not merited other treatment than to be thus, after so long a time, thrown from him with indignity: that she was conscious,

he himself was assured-that her virgin honor was yet unstained when he received her into his bed; and that her connexion with his brother had been carried no farther than the mere ceremony of marriage: that their parents, the kings of England

and Spain, were esteemed the wisest princes of their time, and had, undoubtedly, acted by the best advice, when they formed the agreement for that marriage, which was now represented as so criminal and unnatural: and that she acquiesced in their judgment, and would not submit her cause to be tried by a court, whose dependence on her enemies was too visible, ever to allow her any hopes of obtaining from them an equitable or impartial decision.' Having thus spoken, the queen arose, and, making the king a low reverence, left the court; nor would she ever again appear in it. The legate having again suminoned her, declared her, on her refusal, contumacious, and the trial proceeded. But when the business seemed to be nearly decided, Campegio, on some frivalous pretences, prorogued the court, and referred the cause to the see of Rome. Wolsey appeared, at this time, to be in the same dilemma with the pope. On the one hand, he was solicitous to gratify the king, who had distinguished him by so many marks of favor; on the other he feared to offend the pope, whose servant he more immediately was, and who likewise had power to punish his disobedience. By attempting to please each party, he fell under the displeasure of both; so that he was at last left without a friend. It is quite clear also that the cardinal had not the ordinary foresight of a statesman, in regard to the probable issue of these disputes. The king was displeased on account of his not entering into his cause with the warmth he thought he had reason to expect; Anne Boleyn imputed to him the disappointment of her hopes; while the queen and her friends expressed the greatest indignation against him, on account of the part he had openly taken in the divorce. While in this unhappy situation, the king sent him a message by the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, demanding the great seal: the cardinal refused to deliver it, till Henry wrote him a letter, on receipt of which it was instantly given up. It was bestowed on Sir Thomas More; a man who, with great literary talents, was possessed of integrity, capacity, and virtue of rare occurrence. Wolsey was now commanded to depart from York palace, which was seized by the king. All his furniture and plate were also seized, and he was directed to await the king's pleasure at Esher, a country seat which he possessed near Hampton. One disgrace followed another; he was thought too near the court in the county of Surry, and was ordered to return to his see: at last his fall was completed by a summons to London to answer a charge of high treason. This he at first refused to answer, as being a cardinal. However, being at length persuaded, he set out on his journey, but was taken ill, and died by the way, at Leicester. See WOLSEY.

After the death of Wolsey, the king, by the advice of Cranmer, submitted the legality of his marriage to all the principal universities of Europe (see CRANMER), and made no scruple of assisting their deliberations by liberal gifts of money. To a subdeacon he is said to have given a crown, to a deacon two crowns, and to others in proportion to the importance of their influence or opinions. Being thus fortified by the opinions of the universities, and even of the Jewish rabbies

(for them also he had consulted), Henry began to think he might safely cppose the pope on this or any question. He began by reviving in parliament an old law against the clergy, by which all those who had submitted to the authority of the pope's legate were condemned to severe penalties. The clergy, to conciliate the king's favor, were obliged to pay a fine of £118,000. A confession was likewise extorted from them, that the king, and not the pope, was the supreme head of the church and clergy of England. An act was soon after passed against levying the first fruits, or a year's rent of all the bishoprics that fell vacant. After this the king privately married Anne Boleyn, at White-hall; and, on her pregnancy becoming apparent, publicly owned her for his wife, and passed with her through London with extraordinary magnificence. The streets were strewed with flowers, the walls of the houses hung with tapestry, and an universal joy seemed to be diffused among the people. The unfortunate Catharine, perceiving all further opposition to be in vain, retired to Ampthill near Dunstable, and afterwards to Kimbolton Castle, where she died. Her marriage with Henry was finally pronounced invalid by the archbishop of Canterbury. The pope was no sooner informed of these proceedings, than he passed a sentence declaring Catharine to be the king's only lawful wife; requiring him to take her again, and denouncing censures against him in case of a refusal. But Henry, knowing that his subjects were entirely at his command, resolved to dare even a total separation from the see of Rome, In 1534 he was declared head of the church by parliament; the authority of the pope was abolished; all tributes formerly paid to the holy see were declared illegal; and the king was entrusted with the collation to all ecclesiastical benefices. The nation came into the king's measures with joy, and took an oath called the oath of supremacy. All the credit which the popes had maintained over England for ages was now at once overthrown; and none seemed to repine at the change, except those who were immediately interested by their dependence on the papacy. But though the king thus separated from the church of Rome, he by no means adhered to the doctrines of Luther, which had been lately published. He had written a book against this celebrated reformer, which the pope pretended greatly to admire; and honored king Henry, on its account, with the title of Defender of the Faith. This character he seemed to be determined to maintain, and therefore persecuted the reformers most violently. Many were burnt for denying the popish doctrines, while others were executed for maintaining the pope's supremacy. The courtiers knew not which side to take; both the new and old religions were equally persecuted; and as both parties equally courted the favor of the king, he was, by that means, enabled to assume a greater degree of absolute authority. As the monks had all along shown the greatest resistance to his ecclesiastical character, Henry resolved to deprive them at once of the power of injuring him. He accordingly empowered Cromwell, secretary of state, to send commissioners into the several counties of England to inspect the monasteries; and to report, with