paired, and we are now possessed of a very trifling portion of our birthright. The United States of America have succeeded to us, and they are now the true country of liberality and wisdom. Even the second place is refused to us, because, says Mr. Scheffer, a nation filled with a strong unsatisfied desire of freedom is in a far better state than one which, having once been free, has now reverted many steps towards the abyss of slavery. Nothing, he continues, can be more striking than the alteration which has occurred during the last thirty years in the opinion entertained by the rest of the world respecting England. Before that time the enlightened men of every country vied with each other in their eulogies of our laws, constitution, and national character. At present we form the object of unmingled execration and disgust among all the politicians of Mr. Scheffer's acquaintance. Our name is a bye-word for every thing "that is base, selfish, false, and domineering; and the friends of freedom in Paris have some thoughts of setting a-foot a Jacobinical crusade against us. Still, however, we are not without our friends, and more wonderful still, one of these friends is Mr. Scheffer. The ground on which this great man dissents from those who would recommend our extinction, is, it would appear, his fervent conviction, that we are still, in spite of all appearances, quite of the same way of thinking with himself and his friends. The German takes a distinction. To execrate Lord Castlereagh, and the Prince Regent, who chose to give his confidence to that unhappy creature, is quite right; it is also quite right to execrate Lord Wellesley and Lord Grenville, and others who oppose now and then the measures of Castlereagh and his master, only for the purpose of being permitted to devise and execute as bad measures themselves. It is laudable to execrate the superstition of England, because that superstition opposes the Catholic claims, and the emancipation of Ireland. It is laudable to execrate the parliament of England, because the system of representation is become quite rotten, and the appearance of a House of Commons is only useful as a cloak to cover the daggers of Castlereagh and his brother Catalines.-All this is most proper, and most praiseworthy; but wise men should beware of pushing their conclusions farther than the premises authorise. The nation is still what it ought to be. The Regent, and Lord Castlereagh, and Wellesley, and Grenville, and the Church, and the Parliament, cannot be more sincerely detested by the enlightened of Paris and Berlin, than they are by those of London. In regard to these, only one opinion is entertained by "tout le mond." The abominable external policy of England, is only one lamentable effect of her internal degradation. We are not tyrants; we are only unwilling instruments in the hands of tyrants. We are slaves at home, and what should we be but scourges abroad? Europe should respect the unhappy people doomed to be for ever her enemies with their hands, and in their hearts her friends. She should reverence the land which lately boasted a Cobbet, and which still boasts a Hunt and a Burdett.She should listen to the voice of England, not in the treaties of her ministers, nor in the speeches of her parliament, but in the petitions and the harangues which the perfidious Sidmouth refused to convey to the ears of the slumbering Regent. These are the true representatives of the British people. To hate or execrate them would be alike unjust and impolitic. The true wisdom of the illuminati throughout the world is to declare their affection for us in the same breath with their horror for our rulers. They should beat our worthless army, but they should recollect, at the same time, that it is detested and dreaded by us, because it is formed entirely of the outcasts of the earth; and that its victories have always been regarded by us as des titres de honte plutot que de gloire." They should overturn our government, but they should remember that in so doing, they have all our wishes and prayers upon their side. They should never forget the motto of Mr Scheffer, 66 La nation Anglaise doit se ranger, par la force des chozes, dans l'union des peuples !" 66 "* Mr Scheffer gives himself the trou "On sait comment les armee Anglaises, sont composees. Un homme condamné a gandage a le choix d'entrer dans un regila deportation pour crime de vol ou de briment, ou de subir sa peine. En Angleterre il ny'a guere que les mauvais sujects qui s'enrolent volontairement." P. 40. ble to justify this decision, so consolatory for us, but so terrible to Lord Castlereagh, by a detail of our history for the last two centuries-more particularly for the last thirty years-executed in the true style tranchant coupé, so agreeable to the impatient vivacity of the reading public of Paris. At all times, says he, the kings of England were the enemies of her freedom and happiness; that is a necessary consequence of their existence. The sagacious Henry VIII. tyrannized by means of a corrupted parliament. The less sagacious Stuarts strove to tyrannize without a parliament at all, and they failed. The Georges succeeded. These princes brought from their province of Germany the most fixed love of despotism, and they found in England the necessity to yield something to the forms of a free constitution. Happily, Walpole was a genius of the same stamp with Henry VIII., and the house of Hanover have tyrannized like him, by means of corrupted parliaments. The progress of that national degradation which these princes have ⚫ been so unceasingly anxious to promote, was, however, more slow than might have been expected. It was not till the epoch of the French Revolution that we began to stand on the very brink of our ruin. At present, so far as our neighbours are directly concerned, the thing is accomplished. Throughout every stage of the French Revolution, the government of England has opposed it, from the fear that revolutionized and enlightened France might lend both light and aid to oppressed and impatient England. Every other country of Europe which makes any struggle for liberty, must expect to be met in that struggle by the same fervent opposition from the government of England. In the mean time, we, the people of England, are bowed down beneath the golden yoke of this same corrupting and corrupted government; so that, till that government be overthrown, there is no hope of freedom or of happiness either for us or for any other nation. The enormities of which our government has been guilty in the course of this dark period have, indeed, been such as might well deserve all the reproaches of Meinherr Scheffer: Nor, after all, is this to be wondered at, considering the principle upon which, ac cording to that philosopher, every movement of our government proceeds. "On pourrait," says he, "defenir ce systeme de la maniere suivante; Commettre les crimes et les injustices politiques les plus atroces, afin d'associer la nation Anglaise dans la même haine, dans le même mépris avec son gouvernement: de la forcer ainsi a faire cause commune avec lui, et de la tenir dans un état d'hostilité permanente avec les autres peuples, état le plus favourable à l'établissement du despotisme!" By means of keeping closely in recollection this concise and convincing definition, an impartial student of history, says our German, will find it an easy matter to understand the secret of the English atrocities. The freedom of Holland, imperfect as it was, was always an object of hatred to the English rulers, because they were always, and that justly, afraid lest it should excite their own subjects to entertain anti-despotic ideas. Superficial persons might, perhaps, object to this, that the original freedom of Holland was in a good measure owing to the friendship of Elizabeth; that the Hollanders themselves have been very proud to confess as much in almost all their treaties; and that Elizabeth and her ministers have at least as much right to be taken as specimens of an English government, as Charles II. and his. All this, however, will fall to the ground, when we reflect, that the present abject and enslaved condition of Holland is entirely owing to the English Georges, who beat her fleets and took her colonies, merely for the purpose above-mentioned, of removing from the sight of the English le spectacle seduisant d'un état libre. In explaining, by his maxim, the conduct of our government towards America, M. Scheffer falls, we are afraid, into a slight inconsistency; but this is a trifle in so great a work. The exertions made by England to retain possession of her colonies may, indeed, be accounted for by some persons on the ground of its being a natural thing to dislike losing one's property: But this, says he, is quite out of the question in regard to the government of England; á la tete duquel il se trouve preseque toujours des hommes habiles. The clever and philosophical ministers of St James's cannot be supposed to have been so ignorant of political economy as not to have known that Ame 66 rica would thrive much more in a state ernment. This was not to be endurof independence than as an appendage ed. The successors of the atrocious to Britain; that the trade of thriving Pitt were in agonies lest France should America would fall almost entirely to at last begin to furnish their slaves the share of the old country; and that, with somewhat of the spectacle seduitherefore, England would be a mighty sant, so, to put an end to the incipient gainer by the loss of America. The freedom, they let loose once more the ministers, says he foresaw all this very type of liberal ideas."-"Mais, Bonawell; but their object is not to make parte quitte l'isle d'Elbe, pendant que the English rich and prosperous, but to l'officier Anglais qui le surveillait s'amake them slaves; and, therefore, musait a Livourne." This gave the they opposed the American Revolu- ministry another war, and another viction, solely that they might prevent tory, of which their people were 2their people from having before their shamed," and another opportunity of eyes le spectacle seduisant d'un état replacing Louis XVIII., whom they libre. had just assisted in dethroning, because his government was too constitutional. We confess that the German philosopher's reasoning here for once baffles us. We cannot, for our lives, understand his drift, and should be extremely happy if our correspondent, Dr Ulrick Sternstare, would oblige us by an early scrutiny of his countryman's" upper region." The conduct of our government towards revolutionary France is a still more striking illustration of the theory of Mr Scheffer. We opposed the revolution from its commencement, not because it was conducted by miscreants, and accompanied with the declaration of sentiments incompatible with the repose of the rest of the world, but simply because its object was to establish a free state, separated only by St George's Channel, from the envying eyes of the unhappy slaves of England. In order to put down the revolutionary party of France, the English ministry endeavoured to bring their character as much as possible into disrepute; by neglecting to send an embassy to Paris to intercede for the life of Louis XVI. they 'allowed' the French to put their king to death in their own way, so that their conduct, in fact, peut être regardée comme la cause de cette funeste catastrophe. Let us not be astonished, adds our philosopher, at this policy of the English ministry. "Il etait dans son interet!" In like manner, the English government continued to make war against France, not because Bonaparte was a tyrant and a conqueror, but because, in spite of all his tyrannies and all his conquests, he was still, au fond, the type and symbol of revolutionary freedom. The very shadow of liberty,(and a pretty faint shadow he must be allowed to have been)—was hateful in the eyes of Pitt, and his successors at last succeeded in overthrowing this ethereal shadow, by arming a coalition of despots against the name of liberty. To their horror, however, the downfall of Napoleon was not followed, as they had expected, by the creation of a legitimate despotism, but by something like a constitutional gov The only warlike expedition in which we have lately been engaged is that of Algiers; and the account given of this by Scheffer is in the same satisfactory style as the foregoing. "La brillante expedition du Lord Exmouth parait navoir été fait que dans le dessein de prevenir les autres nations maritimes, et de les empecher de chatier tout de bon les Algeriens." The ministry were no doubt afraid lest some other fleet should utterly extirpate the Dey and his myrmidons, and found, in their stead, a government according to liberal ideas. They took the affair therefore into their own hands, upon the old principle of preventing the spectacle seduisant d'un etat libre !" "Les faits parlent:" concludes epigrammatic Meinherr, "ils accusent hautement le ministere Anglais d'être l'ennemi de la liberté, de l'independance des nations, de leur prosperité et de leur bien etre." "Aussi la haine qui anime toutes les nations contre le gouvernment Anglais, est fondée.-Mais distinguons tonjours le peuple Anglais de son ministere; c'est la le plus formidable moyen pour le renverser; pour detruire sa fatale influence." In good truth, we do hope that a broad and visible line of distinction will always continue to separate from what Mr Scheffer considers as the English people, both the English government and the true people of Eng land. We hope also, that neither our character, nor that of our rulers, may ever be attacked by any more formidable foes than this new ally of the Hunts, this mongrel philosopher, whose character seems to present a happy mixture of the lead of a Saxon Ludimagister, and the tinsel of a politician aux mille colonnes. the sores upon his legs were still in a very distressing condition, owing to the unskilful manner in which they had been amputated, below the ankle, by the Russian surgeon, into whose hands he fell immediately after they were frostbit. The period of tranquil existence which he had spent in the Sandwich Islands, the voyage homewards, and a residence of many months in his native country, had all been tation of his wounds, and he was still not only a cripple, but an acute sufferer, when he attracted the attention of Mr Smith, in the Clyde Steam Boat. The kindness of that excellent person soon enabled him to lay the story of his afflictions before the public, and the success of the book was such, as to furnish a sum far beyond any expectations of Archibald Campbell. NOTICE OF ARCHIBALD CAMPBELL, found insufficient to remove the irri AUTHOR OF THE VOYAGE ROUND OUR readers cannot have forgotten the • See No XXXI. Oct. 1816. Had he remained in this country during the time when the public impression was strongly in his favour, there is reason to believe, that something might probably have been done to provide the means of comfortable retirement to one whose errors, in themselves venial, had been so severely punished in the person of the offender, and had furnished a lesson so capable of doing good to others. Neither Campbell nor his friends, however, entertained, at the moment, any expectations of such a nature, and the poor man, whose patience was quite exhausted, resolved, as soon as he got a little money into his hands, to seek in it the means of being once more transported to the friendly territories of king Tamahmaah, and his own comfortable farm on the banks of the Wymannoo. In the midst of all his distresses, he found leisure for courtship, so he set sail with his wife in the autumn of 1816, for New York, in the hope of finding a passage to Owyhee, on board of some of the American ships, which have, of late years, been almost the only visitors of these Islands. On the 23d of December following, he writes as follows, to a medical gentleman in Glasgow, (who had shewn him much kindness while in that city,) "I am very sorry to inform you that we shall have no opportunity of going to the Sandwich Islands this season, the vessels having all left Boston for the north-west coast before our arrival, and it is very likely that there will be no more ships going that way until they return again, which will not be these two years; therefore I am at a loss what to do. There is nothing at all doing here in my line, and times are much worse here than at home, and a great many of the passengers that came out with us have gone home again, not being able to find work of any kind." He then states his intention to procure, if possible, a passage to the Brazils, where he had been led to believe he might have better success. In the meantime, however, it was announced that some person was about to publish an American edition of his book, which unhandsome procedure, Archibald forthwith took the most effectual method of preventing, by publishing an American edition of it himself. Of this edition he sold 700 copies in a month, and cleared about 200 dollars on the speculation. His legs continued all this time to be as troublesome as ever, and Campbell determined to give himself a chance of being a sound cripple by having them amputated over again above the ankle. This resolution he carried into effect last winter with the most perfect fortitude. His right leg was amputated on the 20th of November 1817, and the bursting of an artery a few hours after the operation, threw him into a brain fever, from which he escaped with difficulty. "My whole leg," says he," began from the end of the stump to be inflamed with erysipelas, combined with phlegmatic inflammation, which, luckily for me, turned into a suppuration. I am happy to inform you, that ever since I have been mending so fast, that I was able to go home all last week, and it is on ly yesterday (January 13, 1818), that I returned to have the other leg cut; and the surgeon says I shall have a better chance of recovery, as my habit is not so full." The second operation was accordingly performed in a few days after this, and his recovery was even more easy than he had been led to expect. As soon as I got out of the hospital," says he, "I made myself a pair of artificial legs, with which I already begin to walk pretty tolerably, and am going to Albany, Baltimore, &c. to get subscriptions for the second edition of my book." (May 18, 1818.) Campbell was bred a weaver. But during his stay in New York, Campbell has not been an author, publisher, and patient only. He has also been carrying on various little species of traffic, in globe glass-mirrors, plaster of Paris casts, Scots Almanacks, &c. &c., with various, but, on the whole, not very flattering success. As soon as he shall have sufficiently. supplied the Transatlantic reading public, with his voyage round the world, Archy, who is a Jack of many trades, purposes to turn another of his talents to a little advantage, and to make a voyage to the Clyde" to see his friends, in the capacity of cook to a merchantman. He still, however, has a hankering after his "steading" in Owyhee; and it is probable that ere long we shall have it in our power to inform our readers that he has come to "his ain again.” We might quote some farther passages from his letters to his friend in Glasgow, but although they are all highly interesting to those who have seen any thing of the man, we are apprehensive of trespassing too far on the patience of the general reader. The letters are written in a clear distinct style, and in a very good penmanship; and his account of the state of things in America, so far as it goes, shews that Alexander has been in his youth no unattentive or unworthymember of some of the "literary and commercial" clubs so common among the weavers of the west of Scotland. His notice of Mr Cobbet is laconic enough. "You mention that you could wish to hear about Mr Cobbet; but I can hear little about him, as there is few people that I have spoken to that likes him, and they say that he cannot be believed: he has his office at No 19, Wall Street, and lives at Brookland, a small town in Long Island, forenent New York." The letters are all concluded in a very polite manner, as thus: "Be pleased, sir, to give our best respects to your father and sisters, and our compliments to your servant-maids; meantime, we remain, sir, your most obedient and very humble servants, ARCHD. & ISABELLA CAMPBELL. We trust our readers will pardon us for detaining them so long with the history of this poor countryman of ours. Those of them who have read his book will, we are quite sure, be |