moments to repeat his prayers; but Walftein replying nothing, extended his arms, in order to open his naked breast, and received Devoreux's partizan through his heart; not enunciating a fingle fyllable from beginning to the end, and expiring with a groan, which terrified all the accomplices that flood round. Ferdinand II. ordered 3000 mafles to be faid for his foul, and thus the tragedy ended.' *

It must be confeffed, that our Hiftorian has, with great fidelity and minutenefs, defcribed the political negotiations and military atchievements of the Swedish King. He has likewife been very exact in relating the operations of the enemy against him, both in the cabinet and the field. He appears, nevertheless, to be fomewhat partial to his hero; and endeavours, upon all occafions, to apologize for his failings. Thus he attempts to palliate his behaviour towards Vane, the English Ambaffader, in the affair of Colonel Duglas, which, whether we confider him. as a King, a politician, or a man, was extremely rude, indecent, and impolitic. The language his Majefty ufed on that occafion, would have difgraced a corporal. Historians, however, are often led into inconfiftencies themfelves, by a vain attempt to give their heroes a confiftency of character, which nature has denied them.

There are in this volume many curious anecdotes, and entertaining circumftances, well worthy the Reader's attention. But as it would draw us beyond our limits to be more particular in our animadverfions on this werk, we fhall close our extracts with the Hiftorian's account of the death of the great Gustavus; which happened at the battle of Lutzen.

Here it may be proper to fay fomething more diffufedly concerning the death of Guftavus, who fought fword in hand at the head of the Smoland cavalry, which clofed the right flank of the centre, and, perhaps, in his ardour out-ftripped the brigades, which compofed the main body, and whose business it was to advance upon the same line with himfelf. As his Majefty's eyefight was not the most perfect, and forafmuch as a mift began gently to cbfcure the fky, it is moft probable to imagine, that, attended only by his own followers and fervants, and the fquadron commanded by him, he had a violent defire to contemplate the center of the imperial army, towards which his own invincible brigades were now advancing, and on whofe bravery and firmnes he principally grounded the future fuccefs of the day's frvice. It is natural, Hay, to conclude, that the King loft his live in fome digreffion like this, being prompted on by an high

*Our Hiflorian, perhaps, without violating the dignity of history, might have faid, And thus the tragedy ended with a farce.

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fpirit of impatience and curiofity; for most accounts agree, that he fell by the hands of Piccolomini's cuiraffiers, whom fome arrange in the first line of the Imperial left wing.

Here therefore, that is, in the front of the troops first defcribed, or (which is more probable) in the interval between them. and the adjoining mafs of infantry, Guftavus received a ball in his le't arm, which at firft he either felt not, or difregarded, ftill keeping foremost, and cutting and flashing with great intrepidity; yet the foldiers perceived their leader to be wounded, long before he spoke to that effect, and expreffed their affliction and confternation: "Courage, my comrades," replied he," the affair is nothing: let us refuine our point, and return to the charge." One of the equerries cried out likewife, that his majefty was wounded, for which the King reproved him harshly. At length, perceiving his voice and ftrength to fail him, and fearing to dilmay his brave affociates, he whifpered the Duke of Saxe Lauenberg to this purport: "Coufin, I perceive myself to be grievously wounded: convey me hence to fome place of fafety." In that inftant, as the King's followers were preparing to retreat, an imperial cavalier advanced, unobferved in this momentary confufion of turning, and having cried out, “Long have I fought thee," tranfpierced * his Majesty with a pistol-ball through the body; but he lived not to glory in this inhumanity t; for the master of the horfe to the Duke of Sax-Lauenberg fhot him dead with the words recent on his lips. Upon this, Piccolomini's cuiraffiers gave the King's companions a most desperate attack. His Majefty was for fome moments held upon his faddle, but the horse being at that very inftant shot in the fhoulder, made a defperate plunge, and flung the rider to the earth. His few perfonal attendants ftayed with him, but the troops that accompanied him were foon difperfed. One of the gentlemen of the bed chamber, who lay likewife on the ground, cried out aloud, in order to fave his matter's life, that he was the King of Sweden. Upon which an imperial cuiraffier, who had alighted to ftrip the bodies, ran him through with his sword: Guftavus afterwards being asked, who he was, replied boldly, "I am the King of Sweden, and feal with my blood the protestant religion, and the liberties of Germany:" adding like

To tranfpierce a perfon through the body with a pifol-fict is furely not the most accurate expreflion. To tranfpierce is, properly, to make a perforation with a jointed inftrument.

+ Perhaps the Hilorian is wrong in calling it inhumanity. If to wage war is lawful, to kill an enemy is lawful. The confufion of the field of battle allows no distinction of perfons; and it was no more Inhumanity to kill Guftavus, who was cutting and fofhing in the front of the troops, than to have difpatched one of his foldiers, in the like cafe. wife,

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TAYLOR'S Examination of

wife, "Alas, my poor Queen! Alas my poor Queen! The Imperialifts gave him five dreadful and inhuman wounds; and though one thot him through the head, he had ftrength to pronounce, "My God, my God!” His body was ftripped in an inftant (the fhirt excepted) for every enemy was defirous to poffefs fome fpoil, that belonged to him. His buff-waistcoat was configned to the arfenal at Vienna, but fell first into Piccolomini's hands. A common foldier feized that magical fword, concerning which the German Profeffors have published more differtations than one; and Holk obtained by purchase the poffeffion of his ring and fpurs. One Schneberg, a lieutenant in Goetz's cavalry, feized his gold chain, which is ftill preferved in the Schneberg family; namely, at the time the Monumenta Paderbornenfia were made public.'

Guftavus died, according to our Author, aged thirty-feven years, ten months, and twenty-feven days; having received thir teen wounds before the fatal battle of Lutzen: in which his troops were, however, victorious; uotwithstanding the irrepable lofs they fuftained, in the death of their illuftrious fovereign and commander.

We must not conclude without obferving, that this work is decorated with elegant copper-plates, and illuftrated by fome accurate maps and delineations. There is likewife a chronological table, which comprizes the fcheme and diary of the war, &c. from the King's entering Germany, till the battle of Lutzen, and places all the operations during the great campaigns of 1630, 1631, and 1632, in a clear and confpicuous light. It is to be wifhed, that our Author, who feems to have a very analytical genius, had, in the fame manner made a chronological abridgement of the whole work. Vertet has given us fomething of this kind the end of his Hiftoire des Revolutions de Suede, which he has carried back beyond the time his hiftory commences. But though he is excelled by others in this refpect, yet there is ftill room for further improvement.

The Writer has alfo added an Appendix to his hiftory, which contains many curious and original vouchers. At the end of the work is likewife a copious Index, which appears to be well digested.

Upon the whele, notwithstanding we have had occafion to find fault with our Hiftorian's manner, yet his materials are of themfelves futficient to recommend the work; which, though in many refpects not fo accurate and entertaining as might be expected, is nevertheless a valuable compilation.

* This, indeed, was inbumanity.

An Examination of the Scheme of Morality advanced by Dr. Hutchefon, late Profeffor of Morality in the Univerfity of Glasgow. By John Taylor, late of Norwich, D. D. 8vo. Is. Waugh.

D

R. Taylor chiefly confines his remarks on Dr. Hutchefon's Scheme of Morality to this fingle point, viz. What is the faculty or principle in the human constitution, upon which virtue ftands; and which being taken away, there would be no virtu, or no foundation in our minds, thoughts, or apprehe fions, for any difference between moral good and evil?

Now, according to Dr. Hutcheson, we are told, benevolence, and a moral fenfe, are the only principles of virtue in the human conftitution. But, according to Dr. Taylor, all our other natural affections, and paffions, felf-love, fhanie, modefty, fear, anger, love of offspring, that between the fexes, &c. have as good a claim to be virtues as benevolence; fince they are infufed into our conftitution by the fame wifdom and power, ail oper te in the fame manner, are intended to answer the like good purpofes, and approved when they do fo. Benevolence, ftanding upon rational princi, les, the Doctor fays, is a great, illuftrious, and extenfive virtue; but upon Hutchefon's principles, if it is confidered as an animal instinct, or natural determination, he thinks, it will be found to be no virtue at all, or no more than any other inflinct or natural affection.

In regard to the moral fenfe, our Author fays, it is a monstrous abfurdity, an inconfiftency, a non-entity, the mere fiction of Dr. Hutchefon's own brain; he compares it to a fiupid idiot, prefiding in a court of judicature, of the highest importance, and determining the whole courfe of human actions. Intelligence, according to Dr. Taylor, is the only moral ferje in all rational Beings. This he endeavours to prove in the following manner.

Every object, he fays, muft exift, and be what it is, or what it.is apprehended to be, before it can be perceived by any tenfe whatfoever. No fenfe can perceive nothing. Confequently, moral good and evil, either in the general idea, or in relation to any particular action, whether benevolent or malevolent, or of what kind foever, muft exist in their true or apprehended nature, principles, and qualities, antecedently to their being perceived by Dr. Hutchelon's fuppofed moral fenfe. But the ideas of moral good or evil, either in general, or in relation to, any particular action (whether the action be already paft, or confidered as poffible to be done hereafter) being abstract ideas, can exist no where, but in the mind or thought of an intelligent Being, recollecting and confidering their moral qualities. Therefore, they muft exift, and be feen, known, and understood, before they can poffibly become the objects of his moral fenfe; which,

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without

without them, can have no object to perceive, and which can perceive no more of them, than what is already perceived by a much fuperior faculty. Into which faculty his moral fenfe muft therefore be refolved, as being nothing diftinct from it.

Dr. Taylor offers feveral arguments to fhew, that virtue, neither in principle nor practice, can be conftituted by instincts, and their irrational motions and exertions. Reason, he says, which alone can judge of, and reafon about, the natures and relations of things, is the ONLY faculty that can diftinguish between actions morally good and evil, that can prefer the one, and reject the other; and therefore is the ONLY faculty that can fupply juftifying reafons of our actions. Reafon is the ONLY faculty that can difcover and propofe juft and reasonable ends, and excite to the purfuit of them as they are reasonable. Nothing but the most perfect and fimple reafon in the Deity knows, proposes, and excites to ALL, the ends which he purfues and executes. Reaf n is a percipient, and the ONLY percipient, of moral good, which is the highest good. An intelligent nature, as fuch, may have, and is the ONLY nature that can have, a knowlege and sense of intellectual happiness, the pleasures of a virtuous mind; which are by far the most excellent: and the more perfectly intelligent, or rational, fuch a nature is, the more perfect fuch knowlege and fenfe of intellectual happiness must be, and the more ftrongly it must be excited to pursue it.

But happiness,' continues our Author, is but one object of reafon and virtue; which is to be purfued only under proper reftrictions and conditions. The general and all comprehending object of our minds is TRUTH, or whatever can be known concerning the different nature of things, perfons, actions, relations, and circumstances. And of the different natures of things, &c. every understanding may and must have fome knowlege; and may confider what conduct is or is not agreeable to them. Confequently, wherever there is intelligence, or reason, there may be virtue, or reajonable action. But if actions are conftituted morally good or evil, only by the blind, uncertain perceptions of fenfes and affections, previoufly to the use of reafon, then it is plain, that in themselves, or in their true nature, no actions are reasonable or unreasonable, good or evil, virtuous or vicious nor can any reafon be given, why fome are right, and others wrong. Which is, in effect, to annihilate virtue, as it leaveth no certain rational principles upon which it can fubfift.'

According to Dr. Taylor, inftincts are manifeftly figns of the imperfection of our nature, being infufed into our conftitution as auxiliaries to reafon, to affift its prefent weaknefs, by fpurring