and upwards, they will average upwards of seven pounds, particularly when I have a sufficient number to begin to sell off the worst, as is commonly done at Rambouillet. Already, taking the weight of the fleeces of one third of my full bred and seven-eighth ewes, I find that at the last shearing they yielded me one with another seven pounds three ounces and twelve penny wt. And as they are in a progressive state of improvement, owing to their advance in blood, and the selections I can now make of rams, I have no doubt that if they meet with no misfortune, they will at the next shearing yield a greater quan tity of fine wool than can be shorn from any long wooled flock of equal numbers in the United States.

That the wool is of the first quality is allowed by all that have compared it with the samples of wool that have been produced from various flocks, and even with the celebrated wool of Dr. Parry, which is, like mine, much longer than that of any of the sheep imported directly from Spain. Dr. Mease was so kind as to shew some samples I sent him in the year 1809 (since which the staple has improved) to the members of the cattle society at Philadelphia, who all (as he writes me) declared that they never had seen such beautiful samples; that it had a length, a silkiness, and a wavy appearance which they had not found in any other. And indeed, this might have been inferred not only from the avidity with which it is purchased by manufacturers at two dollars the pound in the grease, but from its being equal to that of any imported Rambouillet sheep, and in some individuals finer and these sheep are admitted to have the finest as well as the heaviest merino fleeces in Europe. The estimation in which they are held may be inferred from a letter which I have lately received from Mr.

Delessert, (who sent over Don Pedro and keeps a very fine, flock near Paris.) In this letter he informs me that the price of the pure merino sheep in France is from two hundred to three hundred franks, but that choice rams of the Rombouillet stock sell as high as fifteen hundred pounds. It is a very extraordinary fact that the price of these sheep, has been rapidly advancing as the numbers of imported merinoes and those bred from them have increased.

You wrote to me on the subject of sheep, and you see my dear sir I have repaid you with interest. But you know that since I have relinquished political pursuits, I have become more ardent in those in which an old man may be indulged, and by which he may possibly render himself useful. Among these you may rank my desire of improving the manufactures of our country, and as the basis of them, the improvement of our sheep. To this end it is necessary that every prejudice should be removed, and our farmers convinced that the merino sheep, by care and attention in the choice of their rams, may made to produce more fine wool than they can obtain of coarse wool from other races. I draw this inference from my own flock, because I know too little of any other to speak with certainty, and because I can refer to your evidence, and that of a number of the most respectable witnesses, for the accuracy of my statement. I am to thank you for your analysis of the Schooley Mountain water, and your pleasing and philosophical account of the country in its vicinity.

I am with much esteem, dear sir,

Your most obedient humble servant,
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

SAMUEL L. MITCHILL, Esq.

be

The Yellow Fever of Brooklyn in 1809.

The following remarks of Dr. Rodgers on the report of Dr. Gillespie, published in our last number, are taken from the "New-YorkMedical and Philosophical Journal and Review," in which work Dr. Gillespie's Report was given as an original article, without acknowledging the source whence it was copied. Subjoined is Dr. Gillespie's answer to Dr. Rogers, and some observations by the Editors of the Register close the subject.

To the Editors of the New-York Medical and Philosophical
Journal and Review.

GENTLEMEN,

Being informed that you will insert in your Journal of this month the report of Dr. Gillespie on the yellow fever which prevailed at Brooklyn in the summer of 1809, and published in the Medical Register, I have taken the liberty to make a few remarks on the variance of facts, as stated in that report and the one made by me to the Board of Health last autumn-and to confirm what I had before ad, vanced.

Dr. Gillespie says, that the Concordia sailed from Havanna about the beginning of June, "at which place," he is "credibly informed by three respectable persons now in this city, the yellow fever raged all last winter and spring," &c. To this I reply, that the Concordia left the Havanna the 28th of May; and, without impeaching the cre dit or veracity of Dr. G.'s informants, declare, that, from the affida vits of ten masters of vessels, sailing at different times from Havanna, it appears that the Havanna was perfectly healthy the whole of the months of March, April, and May. I have even one affidavit of Ha vanna being healthy on the 2d of June, and of its being so on the 12th, though it was then sickly among the shipping. This intelligence of the shipping being sickly made us interdict the communication between Havanna and New-York before it was sickly ashore. If Dr. G.'s informants are right, then have ten masters of vessels deliberately perjured themselves; but we are not to suppose this latter circumstance. And yet Dr. G.'s informants still have related what they heard, though their information might have been incorrect. It

is from the oaths of masters of vessels that I have said, and do believe, that the Havanna was healthy when the Concordia sailed.

In order to inculpate shipping, Dr. Gillespie says that, of the påtients first taken, "eight can be traced to persons having connection with different ships." This is the truth, but not all the truth: these persons had worked on board of ships, but not of infected ships—the ships they had worked on board of were the Alligator, the Brutus, and the Phabe, neither of which was sickly, or had come from any foreign port, or had impure materials on board. Not one of them had been on board of the Concordia, or had any connection whatever with any one who had.

Dr. G. goes on to state, that Mrs. Spencer died on the 10th of July, and was a sailor's washerwoman, " and died in one of the dwelling-houses nearest the Concordia." No particular use is made of this observation, nor any direct inference drawn from it: the reader may, if he please, suppose that Mrs. Spencer washed some clothes of the Concordia, or had been on board-neither was the fact-she never had any connection with the ship. Mrs. Spencer was the wife of a man belonging to the navy-yard, and washed clothes for the seaman belonging to the Wallabout. On her death-bed she was asked if she had been on board of any ship? She replied, that she had been on board the Brutus, to inquire for a man for whom she was bound, but no other, and had only stepped on to the deck and directly back again. Now, the Brutus did not lay near the Concordia, and was healthy; nor did the proximity of Mrs. Spencer's house to the Concordia do her any harm. There were houses and shops, constantly worked in, much nearer the Concordia than Mrs. Spencer's. It deserves to be remembered, that the people living in the houses and shops nearest to, and immediately facing the Concordia, and having most commuication, nay, the only peole of the village who had communication with this ship, were wholly and entirely free from disease.

The last point of variance of fact between Dr. G. and myself is respecting the persons who had communication with the Concordia. In the 8th page of his letter, and last paragraph, he says, that " it does not appear that any of them went down into her hold, or remained any considerable time in the cabin, or eat or slept on board.”

It has been shown in my report, that the mate and three seamen lived constantly on board, eat and slept there, and continued well. It appears also, that at least twelve, if not more masters and mates of vessels, were in the habit of going very frequently on board, and that they often staid till late at night, so as to make long visits, and stay a considerable time aboard. These were all in the cabin, and the strong probability is, that they eat and drank very often on board: these all continued well. Let it not be said that they took infection to the village of Brooklyn-they did not live in Brooklyn, but went directly to their houses in New-York, and their families all continued well. It appears that two men cleaned out the limbers of the ship, and if there had been any filth in the ship would have suffered first: they have continued well. The wharfinger and his son were often on board, in the cabin. It appears then, that twenty persons at least were very frequently on board at Brooklyn, and not one has suffered. More than seventy persons had communication with the Concordia from the time of her arrival at NewYork till her leaving Brooklyn, and have continued well. Although no one pretends that any injury arose from Nathaniel Mullen, yet a certificate is given respecting him, to prove the importation of his disease. Mr. Barker states, that Mullen told him, during the short time he saw him, "that he (Mullen) had the fever which he brought from Havanna." Nothing is said of Mullen previous to this. We know, however, that Mullen was in perfect health the whole of the voyage, and till the 29th of July. He left the ship directly coming to New-York, and, after a week of carousing, and spent in the usual apartments of sailor lodging-houses, he returned to the ship on the 28th of July, excessively drunk. He was in that situation all that day, and lay on the open deck, exposed to the heat of the sun; the night after, still intoxicated, he lay on deck exposed to the air and dew In the morning of the 29th he awoke with a violent and raging fever. From such violent exciting causes we, of necessity, expect violent effects. On the 30th, without any proper attempts, that we know, to help him, he was taken to Mrs. Smith's, at Brooklyn, and there he died early on the morning of the 31st. With this state of facts before our eyes, and with such a knowledge of the predispositions of the patient, and of the exciting cause of his disease as we now have, we must conclude, that it would be next to a miracle if he had possessed his reasoning powers when he spoke to Mr. Barker. It appears, by the certificate of this person, that he was under great ap. prehension of danger, and refused to go a second time into Mullen's room, which he had been in but for a short time. It is very presuma