it in them, was driven from them in disgust because he could not find it. Here is one, who, because he has the most logical and consistent mind of any who were engaged in the same movement with him, must desert the English Church, though he clings to it with a human fondness, such as one rarely discovers in those he has left behind, amidst all their bitter denunciations of those who are untrue to it. And why might he not have clung to it? Why might not Mr. Scott's lessons have been felt each year with increasing force; why might not they have been expanded into discoveries of the sacredness of a national calling and a national life; why might not these have only been more fresh and vigorous because he could not be content without a Church of all kindreds and nations; of the past, the present, and the future; of those on earth, and those who have left the earth; such as the Bible would seem to teach us is established in Christ? Why not?-because the system stood in the way. Because the Scott system, the Anglican system, and the Romish system, must exclude each other, must each try to exist by itself, and to comprehend in its hard. intellectual bands all living relations, all divine Persons. There is a third argument, which I am almost ashamed to speak of, but which I see is exercising considerable influence. "The Dissenters turn us "into ridicule, the Roman Catholics turn us into ridicule, for not being able to eject from our communion those whom "we dislike. We might, perhaps, en"dure the scoffs of the Patriot news paper, but, when we have listened to "them, Dr. Manning and Cardinal "Wiseman are upon us." An intolerable calamity, indeed! Yet, perhaps, like others, it may be faced if we can summon a little resolution. Let us meet each enemy by turn. (1) The Dissenting objection. That is easily removed. You have only to become a sect like one of their sects-frankly to avow that you are-and the difficulty is at an end. You may cashier your ministers, as they cashier theirs; the But State will not interfere. Well, you say we are prepared for that. We can cast away revenues, we can endure poverty. Who doubted it? You may accuse us of being mercenary; of binding ourselves by oaths, and of breaking them rather than part with some pelf. we have not the least wish to retaliate the charge. We never doubted Dr. Pusey's willingness to make sacrifices for conscience' sake. But that is not the question. It is not, "Will you be poor?" but "Will you be a sect?" Will you give up all claim to be witnesses for the unity of the nation? Will you consent to be witnesses only for a certain separate system? It is because we do not consent to this that the Queen claims a right to deal with her ecclesiastical subjects just as she deals with her lay subjects; that she takes pains to have justice done to the first class, as well as to the second; that she does not leave them to the mercy of those who have solemnly declared beforehand what would be the result of the inquiry, and who invoke a furious public opinion to act upon those who swear to judge according to evidence and law. (2), But Dr. Manning and Cardinal Wiseman-what shall we say to them? This. You ridicule the miserable condition of England. Perhaps it is very miserable. You say we shall never be happy till we acknowledge the Apostle who was crucified on the Janiculum as the ground of our faith. Well! let us go to the Janiculum, and see the model of a happy place. Perhaps that may induce us to think more of him who was crucified on the Janiculum than of Him who was crucified on Calvary. We have heard how sadly the Church is beset by the world in other parts of Europe; there, in Rome, we shall find the Eden which has kept itself unspotted from the world; there we shall learn what that heavenly society is which ecclesiastics are able to establish when they have the dominion in their own hands. Our countrymen do, in considerable numbers, endeavour to acquaint themselves with this chosen spot of the universe. I think they feel the power of its old associa tions, classical and mediæval, at least as much as the Italians feel them. I think some of them are at least as willing as ever to see in its modern life the realization of an ideal which has long dwelt in their minds. I am sure, if they found a priesthood powerful to suppress moral evils, to extinguish gambling, to put down brigandage, they would come back triumphantly and tell us what poor creatures we are, and how much good it would do us to be like these divine men of another faith. If we do not hear of such things-if we hear of a priesthood which is impotent for all these great ends; which is ready to make use of the worst means to accomplish the ends that it does consider sacred; which exhibits all the ugliest features of the world under the forms of the Church; which has utterly alienated the population that it rules, and has excited a longing in that population, in Italy, in Europe for deliveranceare not, as I conceive, to turn these tidings into capital for Protestantism or the English Church; we are not to reject any hints which our Romanist advisers-be they cardinals, monsignori, or the poorest priests-may offer us respecting our evils and for our reformation. But we are most distinctly to say-"We cannot reform our evils "by becoming imitators on a poor and "feeble scale of this ecclesiastical govern"ment; the nearer we approach to it "the further we shall recede from the "kingdom of righteousness and peace; "the less shall we be able to help other "nations to claim their places in that "kingdom." -we These jokes of Dissenters and Romanists, be they ever so pointed, ought not then, I think, to move us much. It moves me very much more to see what kind of weapons an English Clergyman-not a vulgar agitator, but a divine of the devoutest character and purpose--is ready to use for the sake of securing a formal and judicial ratification of the sentence which has already gone forth from his lips against a number of those who possess the same ordi-nation, who have taken the same vows with himself. Read and consider this extract from his letter : 66 "Pledges have been the fashion; and a general election is at no great dis"tance. Let Churchmen, on the prin"ciple of the Anti-Corn-Law League, "league themselves for the protection "of the faith.' 'The Church is in dan'ger,' has been, and will again be, a "strong rallying-cry. And now the peril is not of some miserable tem"poral endowment, but of men's souls. "Let men league together to support no candidate for Parliament who will "not pledge himself to do what in him "lies to reform a Court which has in principle declared God's Word not to "be His Word, and Eternity not to be Eternity. And let them support persons, of whatever politics, who will so pledge themselves. Let men bind "themselves not to give over, but to "continue besieging the House of Par"liament by their petitions, and be 66 66 66 You see what we are told here. All the agencies of a contested election, all the furious passions of the different parties of the land, all their most grovelling interests, are to be invoked for the purpose of exalting what is called the spiritual power above the secular. All ques 1 "It has been suggested, that no church should be offered for consecration, no sums given for the building of churches, which by consecration should become the property of the present Church of England, no sums given for endowment in perpetuity, until the present heresy-legalizing Court shall be modified. This will show our rulers that we are in earnest." tions concerning the improvement of the dwellings of the people, concerning their education, concerning the well-being of the myriads in India and in our colonies, are to be treated as nothing; the one question asked of every candidate is to be "Sir, will you, or will you not, "vote for the abolition of the present "Court of Appeal in questions of docแ trine?" The most reckless adventurer, the most profligate man, who will give the proper answer to the question, is to be preferred to the most mature statesman, to the most virtuous Christian, who answers it wrongly, or refuses to answer it at all. I entreat all Englishmen, I entreat all thoughtful men in the colonies, to read and weigh this programme, to consider from whom it has proceeded, and how deliberate it is. That is Dr. Pusey's way of proving that he is in earnest. I do not say that such earnestness may not be attended with a considerable measure of success. Parties among us are nicely balanced. The number of Tories, or Whigs, or Radicals, who may be ready to take this pledge in hopes of securing the votes of the clergy I cannot the least calculate. Nor can I make another calculation. Dr. Pusey says, "It is a question of immortal souls." It is, indeed! The souls of candidates, which may be made knavish and hypocritical by these engagements the souls of electors, which may be drawn into drunkenness and ferocity, now as in former days, by the shriek of "The Church in danger"-I believe no man is able to estimate. The whole system of pledges I hold to be an unconstitutional, immoral, godless one. And there are no persons on whom they operate so mischievously as upon ambitious young men eager to obtain seats in parliament, not debased, but not over scrupulous in conscience, willing to make their way by fair means, if possible, but ready to obtain help by identifying themselves with some opinion which will tell on the hustings, and which may be afterwards explained away in Parliament. How many noble souls have been destroyed by these temptations, none, I should think, might know better than a Canon of Christ Church. And he is the person himself to bait the hook! My dear Sir, while I have been talking so much about ourselves, and about · the world in general, I have not forgotten you. I thought, as I said at the beginning of my letter, that I should help you best by showing you how much the question which is likely to agitate every colony is the same with that which is now occupying the mother-country and the old world. The word MotherCountry may cease to have a meaning for you. I cannot tell how soon the time of separation may be appointed for any of you. But surely you will strive that it may not occur in its most bitter and aggravated form, and that the clergy may not be the instruments in making the breach. I remember, when the first movement for the establishment of colonial bishoprics was commenced, what sympathy it excited among many statesmen interested in the well-being of the colonies-some from whom I should have expected no such feeling--because it seemed to them the method most likely to make the religious feelings of the colonists a bond of union, and not a cause of separation, among themselves, and between them and the natives. I remember how "beautiful souls," little troubled about political considerations, welcomed it with a sympathy still keener, because they thought the Bishops would teach the new world what a fatherly government is, and so in the best manner link it to the old world. the hopes of both to be equally disappointed? Whilst you call yourselves our dependencies, are we to think that we have only helped to confuse you respecting all your relations and duties; that we have sent among you that which is to renew the worst contentions of the former ages of Christendom mixed with all the special perplexities of our own? If you should leave us, are we to think that we have cast you off dowered with the curse of a civil and religious war? Are My friend, God will assuredly bring good even from the evil if it should be in store for you. The mere condemnation of principles which are dear to many of us should not cause us trouble; that may give them strength and diffusion. If the ecclesiastical courts are established here or among you, they will assuredly introduce persecution; and persecution, now as of old, carries blessings with it. I think it seems to have had that effect upon one of the persons most interested in the Capetown controversy. I sympathized as little as you did with the Bishop of Natal, while I thought he was leading our people to question the worth of the Mosaic records, for I find in them the great testimonies to God as the Deliverer of a Nation, and the Author of its law. But I sympathized intensely with his mild and Christianlike "Remarks on the recent proceedings of the Bishop of Capetown," and of his "Letter to the Laity of the Diocese of Natal." There are many passages in both to which I might take exception, but on the whole they seem to me manly and excellent protests against injustice and oppression; most opportune vindications of the liberty of the Church, as well as of the authority of the Queen. I am anxious to bear that testimony to you, because you will perceive from the tone of this letter how thoroughly I am convinced the Bible is now, as it was in past time, the great and effectual testimony on behalf of God's kingdom and therefore of human freedom. Whatever weakens its power is, I am satisfied, injurious to both. But I am also satisfied that all inquiries will strengthen its power, and that ecclesiastical courts, under pretence of exalting it, will do all that in them lies to make it a dead letter, to crush it under their interpretations, to hide it from the people. Let us try for this reason, and not for any fear of what they may do against us, to hinder their establishment. But let us resort to no election cries, no contrivances for bribing candidates and electors, or terrifying Prime Ministers. Those whose aim is to promote secularity in the clergy and laity will adopt such practices, to show that they are in earnest. Those who love God and His truth, I trust, will utterly despise them. Yours very truly, F. D. MAURICE Little you know of broken hearts, And long, long distant may God keep The day when each shall know The entrance to His kingdom through His baptism of woe! But yet 'tis good to hear of grief Which He permits to be; So on this lovely day, when spring I'll tell not quite your wish-but yet 串 'Twas six o'clock in the morning, The sea like crystal lay, ** When the good troop-ship "Birkenhead" The Cape of Good Hope on her right At eight o'clock in the evening Dim grew the pleasant land; O'er smoothest seas the southern heaven Its starry arch out-spanned. The soldiers on the bulwarks leaned, Smoked, chatted; and below The soldiers' wives sang babes to sleep, While on the ship sailed slow. Six hundred and thirty souls held she, He counted them in His right hand, |