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There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows:

OTHER FOLKS SAY: STATESMANSHIP WANTED It is widely recognized that many Members of the House of Representatives in their landslide vote (290 to 130) for the Civil Rights Act were not expressing their convictions but revealing their vulnerability to pressure and passing this hot potato on to the Senate in the pious hope that the upper House can put the chill on it.

Republican Representative LOUIS WYMAN, former attorney general of New Hampshire, is more specific on this point than most. Had there been a secret ballot, he says, the measure would not gotten 50 votes.

But the sole question now is: Can the Senate even though opponents are prepared to talk endlessly on the subject-do more than delay this grant of extraconstitutional powers to the President and new brigades of inquisitory deputies? And, how much delay can we expect when White House strategyfor action on tax, farm, and military authorization bills first-will consume time as the convention dates draw nearer.

The outcome-when it is nothing less than whether the United States is to become a dictatorship may well turn on the development of statesmanship where none is presently apparent. In view of existing and contrary pressures in the South and in those Northern big-city States with heavy concentrations of Negro population, we may best look to those areas of the Nation where racial issues are of the least political concern for the Moses to lead us out of an emotional wilderness in which the landmarks of justice and reason and freedom have become obscured.

If the Senate is not to yield ignominiously to the influences that numb the conscience of the House, there is much to do to accomplish desired reforms within the framework of the Constitution. The bill as it stands, conceived in deception and dedicated to Executive authority, adds to the stature of none and destroys the freedom of all-black or white or red or yellow, atheist, Catholic, or whirling dervish-Aiken Standard & Review.

How To Begin Smoking

EXTENSION OF REMARKS

OF

HON. J. ARTHUR YOUNGER

OF CALIFORNIA

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, March 23, 1964

Mr. YOUNGER. Mr. Speaker, Arthur Hoppe, columnist, recently published two articles in the San Francisco Chronicle; one on March 9 and one on March 10, giving advice on international ethics and how to begin smoking.

His columns follow: [From the San Francisco (Calif.) Chronicle, Mar. 9, 1964]

DO UNTO OTHERS AND TAKE COVER
(By Arthur Hoppe)

For years I've been convinced that as long as our political leaders insist on playing power politics with thermonuclear bombs, they'll unjustly blow up our civilization sooner or later. But now I've got doubts.

What gives me doubts is the current moral stand of our ethical and religious leaders. Personally, I've always looked to them longingly in hopes they'd come up with some smashing new moral breakthrough in time to save us all. Like, perhaps, "Love thy neighbor."

So when I heard the Council on Religion and International Affairs, an outfit I admire, was holding a seminar on "The Basic Issues of International Ethics," I naturally went to sit and listen. I realize it sounds like a bore. But let me tell you how it was.

There were about 40 ethical and religious leaders, all obviously highly intelligent and godly men, sitting around a long table. Each with a glass of ice water, a name card and a nice clean note pad in front of him.

The moderator, an energetic young Protestant clergyman, opened by saying there seemed to be a need to give some thought to ethics in foreign affairs. And all the moral leaders around the table nodded realistically. Of course, said the main speaker, a distinguished Catholic professor, we must be realistic about it. And we must first decide whether a policy is politically, economically and militarily feasible. But if it's all three, he said, there's no reason we can't discuss whether it's ethical. Also.

And all the moral leaders nodded realistically.

True, said a thoughtful man in clerical collar.

But we must be realistic about ethics. For what's unethical for an individual isn't necessarily unethical for a nation. And thus our political leaders can't be held to the same code of ethics. Like when it comes to incinerating 200 million human beings with hydrogen bombs.

And all the moral leaders nodded realistically.

So

Exactly, said the professor happily. it's up to the middle elite (meaning everybody at the table) to decide what's moral for our political leaders. And then convince the masses (meaning the waiter and I) of this new morality. But of course, he said again, this new morality must be politically, ecoBecause nomically, and militarily feasible.

we must be realistic about it.

And all the moral leaders nodded realistically.

Well, it's a difficult task our moral leaders face in trying to convert their religious principles to meet the needs of our society. Instead of the other way around. But I'm sure they'll come up with a smashing new moral breakthrough to justify the game our political leaders are playing. Like perhaps: "Love they neighbor-if it pays."

And I'm sure it's all very realistic. But I've always thought of history as a struggle between the realistic and the moralists. With each curbing the excesses of the other. And I would now like to say, as flatly and bitterly as I can, that I think the tragedy of our times is that our moral leaders

have sold out.

So, as I say, I now have doubts our political leaders will unjustly blow up our civilization. Oh, I'm still convinced they'll blow it up. It's just that I'm beginning to wonder if it doesn't deserve it.

[From the San Francisco (Calif.) Chronicle, Mar. 10, 1964]

HELPFUL HINTS ON SMOKING
(By Arthur Hoppe)

The Government report on smoking has certainly had a tremendous impact on our society. For example, I personally know three people who have taken up cigarettes.

One is an elderly lady in the John Birch Society. "The Government," she says angrily between coughs, "is not going to tell me what to do."

The second is a dedicated nonconformist. "Smoking is so far out, man," he confides, scratching his beard, "that it's in."

And the third is a housewife who is so mad at her husband she's decided to show him a thing or two and commit suicide. Even if it takes her 30 years to do it.

And oddly enough, all three have discovered the same thing: it's extremely difficult to start smoking. You forget to have your after-dinner cigarette; you leave your pack

in your other purse; or you just plain don't like the taste.

So as a public service to the millions of Americans who will try to start smoking in the coming years, I've written a handy little pamphlet entitled: "How to Kick the Nonsmoking Habit." Excerpts follow.

"So you want to start smoking?

It is no easy goal you have set yourself, particularly if you are a confirmed nonsmoker. The path to heavy smoking is a long and arduous one. Time and again you will be tempted to return to the carefree days when you went through life unburdened by cigarettes, matches, lighters, lozenges and a wracking cough.

"Thus at the outset, you must be sure you are deeply motivated. It is no use saying casually, 'I think I'll start smoking.' Good intentions are not enough. You must burn with a fierce desire to smoke, almost a fanaticism. Keep always in mind the esprit de corps you will one day enjoy with other smokers, a camaraderie bordering on that of Japanese kamikaze pilots.

"Now, then. You are ready to light up your first cigarette. As you take your initial puff say to yourself: 'It doesn't taste as bad as I thought it would.' Say this no matter what it tastes like. Keep saying it. Now try another puff. Keep trying. Remember that tobacco is an acquired taste. Like salamander entrails.

"In several weeks, with application, you will be ready to inhale. Take a big puff and suck it into your lungs. Be prepared for the violent reaction. For it will make you dizzy and nauseous and you will cough violently. This is the crucial point. For there are no pills or panaceas to help you through this difficult period. You must do it on sheer grit alone.

do have the Say it over

"Quick. Say to yourself: 'I willpower to start smoking.' and over in the coming days. Think of the countless others who have gone through the same awful struggle. You can do it. With iron determination and a deep sense of purpose, you too can smoke two packs a day."

Well, I hope my little pamphlet helps. For it's amazing to think of the millions of Americans who have gotten through the terrible ordeal of taking up smoking without a single brochure to aid them. I just wish everybody had half that much inner fortitude. If I did, I'd quit.

Freedoms Foundation Award to Civitan Club of Greenville, S.C.

EXTENSION OF REMARKS

OF

HON. STROM THURMOND

OF SOUTH CAROLINA

IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES

Monday, March 23, 1964

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, as an American who is concerned about freedom and also as a member of the board of directors of the Freedoms Foundation, at Valley Forge, Pa., I have a very high regard for the annual awards given by the Freedoms Foundation to individuals and organizations who serve to promote the cause of freedom throughout this land. I was, therefore, very much pleased to learn that the Civitan Club of Greenville, S.C., has been selected to be presented the highest award, the George Washington Honor Medal, given by the Freedoms Foundation for contributions in the category of community programs made to the cause

of freedom. The Greenville Civitan Club has been honored for its outstanding program, "Building for a Greater Tomorrow."

I commend Probate Judge Ralph W. Drake, who served as president of the Civitan Club during the period for which this award has been made, and also all of those in the Civitan Club who likewise made vital contributions to the club's excellent program, "Building for a Greater Tomorrow.' The club has indeed brought a high honor to the State of South Carolina; but, more than this, Mr. President, the Greenville Civitan Club has performed a great service to America in executing the many projects promoting freedom under the club's overall program for last year. If other groups and individuals who have concern for the future of this country and the cause of freedom would follow the example set by the Greenville Civitan Club, we would have little difficulty maintaining our freedom at home and extending it throughout the world.

I ask unanimous consent, Mr. President, that an article from the Greenville News of February 22, 1964, and also an editorial from the Greenville News of March 1, 1964, be printed in the Appendix of the RECORD.

There being no objection, the article and the editorial were ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows:

[From the Greenville News, Feb. 22, 1964] CIVITANS TO RECEIVE AN AWARD: JOHN GLENN AND FOUR FROM STATE TO BE HONORED The Greenville Civitan Club will be presented an encased George Washington Honor Medal and $500 by the Freedoms Foundation in ceremonies today at Valley Forge Military Academy at Valley Forge, Pa., home of the foundation.

The local club won first place in the community programs division of the national awards in competitions with other organizations throughout the United States for its program, "Building for a Greater Tomorrow."

The awards to the Greenville club will be made at the same ceremony at which the foundation's top award, the George Washington Award and $5,000, will go to U.S. Marine Astronaut John H. Glenn, presently seeking the Democratic Party's nomination for the U.S. Senate, from Ohio.

Gen. Lauris Norstad, U.S. Air Force, retired, former NATO Supreme Allied Commander, will receive a special Freedom Leadership Award.

Four South Carolinians and the Joanna Cotton Mills Co. of Joanna, for its publication, Joanna Way, and the paper's editor, James P. Sloan, will be among those also honored.

Receiving the awards also are Gen. Mark W. Clark, president of The Citadel, and Dr. Heyward W. Epting, of Charleston, and Dr. R. Archie Ellis and Dr. Carl Honeycutt, of Columbia.

George Washington Honor Medal Awards will go to General Clark for an untitled public address and Dr. Ellis, pastor of the First Baptist Church of Columbia, for a sermon. The latter is a graduate of Furman University.

Honor certificates go to Mr. Epting, of Charleston, and Mr. Honeycutt, of Columbia's Ebenezer Lutheran Church, for sermons.

The local club's recognition was a closely guarded secret in Greenville until yesterday. Greenville Civitans, with their freedom-inaction program, covered 78 projects to inspire the citizens "as true Americans, to hold

high the traditions and priceless heritage that are ours ever proclaim the greatness of our Nation * ** and commit

themselves to uphold those principles which keep us strong and free."

Probate Judge Ralph W. Drake, Civitan president during the undertaking of the projects, will receive the award and will return to Greenville-Spartanburg Airport at 10:15 p.m. today to a Civitan reception, according to William B. Price, governor of the South Carolina Civitan District.

The speak-up-for-freedom program, undertaken in January 1963, included setting up 10 lighted billboards with "Speak Up for Freedom" posters, the distribution of about 2,000 red, white, and blue lapel handkerchiefs and literature on freedom, such as voting and registration information, Mr. Price said.

The get-out-the-vote program and free rides to the polls were sponsored by the local Civitans.

ship education program for the 1,000 campers at the Civitan Fresh Air Camp and sponsored the citizenship essay, "Speak Up for Freedom Today," which was open to area high school students.

The local club also conducted a citizen

Also, the club presented 15 citizenship awards to local high schol students.

Mercer Brissey, current president of the local club, said, "I am extremely pleased and proud that the Greenville Civitan Club won this, the greatest award that we may receive from a national organization for the work we do in our community."

Civitan International will be presented one of the four national awards for the speakup-for-freedom program it sponsored. Civitan President Lou Hopping, of Detroit, Mich., will receive that award.

[From the Greenville News, Mar. 1, 1964] HIGHEST AWARD YET

Of all the awards given to individuals or groups for extraordinary contributions to good citizenship and the cause of fundamental freedom, those conferred annually by the Freedoms Foundation of Valley Forge, Pa., are the most to be desired.

There are in America at present few greater honors in any field than a Freedoms Foundation award.

Therefore, the awarding of a George Washington Medal for first place in the community programs division of the national award competitions to the Greenville Civitan Club is something no Civitan nor any other citizen of Greenville should ever forget.

Past President Ralph Drake, during whose term some 78 projects were carried out by the club, received the award in behalf of his fellow Civitans at Valley Forge last weekend. It must have been the moment of a lifetime for Mr. Drake, Greenville County's probate judge.

The Civitans are accustomed to winning awards in competition with other clubs over the Nation. But this one is something far different and more greatly to be cherished.

We congratulate the Civitans for having brought high honor to themselves and to Greenville.

The Cotton-Wheat Bill

EXTENSION OF REMARKS

OF

HON. LESLIE C. ARENDS

OF ILLINOIS

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 23, 1964

Mr. ARENDS. Mr. Speaker, there is no question but that the farmers do not want the pending cotton-wheat bill. Surely the voice of those most affected by this legislation is not to go unheeded.

The American Farm Bureau Federation speaks for a sizable number of our

farmers. Under leave to revise and extend my remarks I am inserting in the RECORD a press release issued on March 13 by the board of directors of this outstanding farm organization. It follows:

THE COTTON-WHEAT BILL

CHICAGO, ILL., March 12.-The board of directors of the American Farm Bureau

Federation in its regular quarterly session here today registered "strong opposition" to the cotton and wheat bill recommended by by the Senate and now awaiting considerathe Johnson administration, recently passed tion by the House.

The 26-member board which represents 1,628,295 Farm Bureau families in 49 States and Puerto Rico adopted a statement which asserted enactment of the legislation would "aggravate" rather than solve current difficulties in wheat and cotton.

The board termed the bill "a misguided political effort to buy the farm vote in an election year," and further stated that "new and larger subsidy handouts are not the answer to the cotton and wheat problems."

"The Senate," the board asserted, "recognized the wasteful and dangerous characteristics of this legislation when it limited it to 2 years. It should be clear by now that the practice of enacting ill-conceived farm legislation as a temporary expedient is one of the major causes of the present farm program mess."

The statement further pointed out that: The bill "would move in the direction of more Government supply-management control over agriculture. Farm Bureau members want to move toward less regimentation in agriculture and toward a market-directed rather than a politically directed farm economy.

"On May 21, 1963, wheat farmers voted overwhelmingly against the wheat certificate plan in a referendum. This bill is said to contain a voluntary version of that plan; however, the conditions that would be imposed on those who did not choose to participate would be such as to make a mockery out of the use of the term 'voluntary.' The certificate device would separate noncooperators from the food and export market. It could be used to depress market prices below the world level.

"There is not even a pretense that participation would be voluntary for wheat processors who would be subjected to a processing tax that can, and would be, labeled a 'bread tax.'

"Farmers said 'no' to this proposal last May. It is incredible that the Congress would seriously consider forcing this program on wheat farmers against their clearly stated wishes.

"We firmly believe that, if this proposal is enacted into law, both producers and consumers will recognize it for what it is-a scheme to regiment farmers, and a flour and bread tax on consumers.

"The cotton proposal is the most complicated Government farm program that has ever been devised. It would grant increased price support to most producers without requiring any adjustment in their acreage. It would grant the Secretary of Agriculture excessive discretionary authority. It would be tremendously expensive and the first big step toward compensatory payments for all of agriculture. The vast Brannan-type subsidies provided for in this bill cannot be justified. The acreage retirement program would be costly and ineffective. The retired cotton aores could be shifted to feed grains or soybeans without penalty and thus further aggravate the feed grain and livestock producers' problems."

The Farm Bureau favors alternative legislation which would relate price supports to market prices in a recent period and provide greater freedom of choice for producers of cotton and wheat.

Where Does Our State Stand in Support and New York is 2d with 62.2 percent of its

of Education?

EXTENSION OF REMARKS

OF

HON. WARREN G. MAGNUSON

OF WASHINGTON

IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, March 23, 1964

Mr. MAGNUSON. Mr. President, 2 years ago Donald L. Kruzner, superintendent of our King County schools in Washington State performed a valuable national service when he measured in depth the support which each of our States gives to public education.

Now he has brought that work up to date, supplying the necessary data for the school year 1963-64.

I am sure that this latest study will meet with the same acclaim as greeted his earlier study.

I ask the unanimous consent that the study of Dr. Kruzner may be printed in the Appendix of the RECORD.

There being no objection, the study was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows:

WHERE DOES OUR STATE STAND? (By Dr. Donald L. Kruzner, superintendent, King County schools, Seattle, Wash.) California and New York rank 2d and 3d in the amount paid in teacher salaries, but they rank 25th and 38th, respectively, in their relative effort to suport public education when income, ratio of adults to public school enrollment, and total school operating costs are considered.

Mississippi and South Dakota rank 50th and 47th, respectively, in the amount paid for teacher salaries, but they rank 7th and 14th in their relative effort in terms of income, ratio of adults to school enrollment, and total school operating costs. While New Mexico ranks 1st in its relative effort to support public education, it is only able to maintain 19th place in the amount it pays its teachers.

These statements may surprise people who are accustomed to considering the amount spent for education in terms of per capita income alone. The attached study from which these statistics were taken is a measure of the relative effort adults, who are considered the principal taxpayers, make to support public school operating costs. The ratio of children in public schools to the total population is an extremely important factor in measuring the relative efforts of adults to provide good public education. The percent of children attending public schools to the total population and the relative ranking of States in this regard are shown in columns C and D of the attached table. Utah ranks 2d with 27.7 percent of its total population enrolled in public schools. At the other end of the scale at 50th place is Rhode Island with only 17.3 percent of its total population in public schools.

Another factor which is sometimes overlooked is the ratio of adults to the total population of an area, particularly since the adults in general form the taxpaying group that pays the education bills. The best single measure of this group, State by State, is the number of people of voting age. The most recent figures available were used in computing the attached table-November 1962, U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Census, current population reports as of October 4, 1963, shown in. column E. Alaska with only 45.6 percent of its total population in the income producing range is ranked 50th

total population in a position to help pay the bill for education.

The remaining population is made up of the preschool children, children attending private schools, college students, and others under voting age who may have completed their schooling or for some other reason do not attend public school. The figures in column G show the percentage of this group to total population.

Another factor in determining the relative effort of adults to provide adequate funds for good public school education is the average yearly operating expenditure per pupil. This information for the school year 1963-64 was gathered for each State and reported in a National Education Association research report issued in January 1964. New York is in first place, spends $705 per year for each child and Mississippi, in last place, spends $241 per year for each child.

It is especially interesting to note that the cost per pupil per year runs relatively high in the sparsely settled States of the mountain

region which are forced to maintain smaller schools than States with more concentrated populations. It is also significant to note the low cost of education per pupil in many of the Southern States which have a high ratio of children attending public schools as compared to their total population.

The next important consideration is the school cost per pupil in relation to the taxpayer. This is referred to as the school cost per adult, shown in column J of the attached report. This figure was determined by multiplying the percent of public school enrollment to total population (col. C) by the average yearly operating expenditure per pupil (col. H) and dividing the product by the percent of people in the income earning bracket (col. E). It is a measure of the cost per pupil in terms of the number of people who pay the tax bills. Here again the costs are relatively higher in the sparsely populated States, and lower in the States in the eastern and central southern sections of the country. Alaska and Nevada with costs of $330.90 and $275.56 per year are ranked 1st and 2d, while Kentucky and Tennessee with costs of $109.41 and $121.17 per year are 50th and 49th on this scale.

Another factor to consider is the per capita income. This information, taken from the "Survey of Current Business." Office of Business Economics, U.S. Department of Commerce, August 1963, is shown in column L of the attached table. Nevada with $3,278 and Delaware with $3,102 top the list of States in per capita income earned, while Mississippi with $1,285 and Arkansas with $1,504 are 50th and 49th, respectively.

Probably the most significant figures on the attached table are shown in column N. These figures represent the percent of costs per adult in relation to per capita income. Note that these percentages vary from those which relate per capita income with total population. These percentages relate per capita income with the adult population. They were determined by dividing the 196364 school costs per adult as shown in column J by the average 1962 per capita income, as shown in column L. This is a measure of the effort being made to provide adequate funds for good public school education in terms of the ratio of children to adults as related to the average per capita income. The ranking of States in this effort is shown in column O. On this scale, New Mexico and Alaska rank first and second with 12.7 percent and 12.4 percent of their average per capita income in relation to each adult costs per child in school going to meet the costs of operating public schools. At the other end of the scale, at 50th and 49th respectively, are Massachusetts at 5.6 percent and Delaware at 5.9 percent.

The sparsely settled States in the moun

tain regions of the country rank highest in individual taxpayer effort measured in these terms. Likewise, many of the Southern States with small per capita incomes show a greater effort than the majority of States in the higher income brackets. For example, Mississippi, which spent only $241 per child in 1963-64, ranks 7th in relative effort, while Delaware and Massachusetts with 2d and 8th highest per capita incomes rank 49th and 50th, respectively.

The amount paid for teachers' salaries is another important factor in maintaining good public education. Statewide average figures are shown in column P for the 196263 school year and in column R for 196364. Ranking by States is shown in columns Q and S. With few exceptions these rankings parallel the rankings in the per capita income picture. Poorer States are unable to provide salaries comparable to those paid by States with high per capita incomes. While California and New York with average yearly salaries of $7,800 and $7,400 rank 2d and 3d, they rank 25th and 38th, respectively, in their relative effort to support school operating costs. At the other end of the scale we find Mississippi with $3,975 and Arkansas with $4,098 average yearly teaching salaries. Mississippi is ranked 7th and Arkansas 13th in their relative effort to support school operating costs.

The level of education maintained in every State in the Union is an important consideration to all States for many reasons, including the migration which is constantly taking place. While the Federal Government may participate in financing schools, the control of education is rightly a State function. This control has been firmly established through school district organization to keep the determination of what shall be taught at the local school district level. How it is taught is related to who teaches it, and teachers are bound to be attracted to the States which pay more attractive salaries. This situation is creating one of the greatest tragedies facing free public education in America. So long as teachers keep moving into relatively wealthy States, the cream of the teaching profession will be drained from the poorer States which are unable to maintain comparable salary schedules. And while each State has the basic responsibility for its educational program, the ability of its taxpayers to pay the bills is an important factor to be considered. If equal educational opportunity is to become a reality throughout the United States, the matter of spreading the costs of education is a responsibility the American people must accept on a national basis.

In summary, it appears obvious that there is real justification for thinking in terms of equalizing educational opportunities for children wherever they may live. Certainly such equalization is justified in terms of a formula that would take into consideration the ratio of children to adults, the amount being spent per child, the per capita income, and the relative effort being made by the taxpaying public to provide for a good level of education.

The School Assistance Act of 1961, introduced in the House as H.R. 4970 and in the Senate as S. 1021, provides for the application of this principle of equalization. It is a step in the direction of providing equal educational opportunities for all children.

This School Assistance Act also prohibits Federal control with the following specific provision:

"In the administration of this title, no department, agency, officer, or employee of the United States shall exercise any direction, supervision, or control over the policy determination, personnel, curriculum plan of instruction, or the administration or operation of any school or school system."

The act also provides that the State-local financial effort must be maintained at the

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Sources:

Col. (A): U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, "Current Population Reports," Oct. 4, 1963.

Col. (B): NEA Research Division, "Estimates of School Statistics," 1963-64. Col. (E): U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, "Current Population Reports" October 1962, as of Nov. 1, 1962 (voting age figures). Percentage figured in relation of col. A.

Col. (G): 100 percent less cols. C and E.

Col. (H): NEA Research Division, "Estimates of School Statistics, 1963-64." Col. (J): Determined by multiplying the percent of enrollment to total population (col. C) by the average yearly expenditures per pupil (col. H) and dividing the product by the percent of population of voting age and over to the total population as shown in col. E.

Col. (L): U.S. Department of Commerce, Office of Business Economics, Survey of Current Business, August 1963.

Col. (N): Determined by dividing school costs per adult (col. J) by the 1962 per capita personal income (col. L).

Cols. (P) and (R): NEA Research Division, "Estimates of School Statistics, 1962-63 and 1963-64."

Big Brother

EXTENSION OF REMARKS

OF

HON. LOUIS C. WYMAN

OF NEW HAMPSHIRE

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

Monday, March 23, 1964

Mr. WYMAN. Mr. Speaker, in this era of automation the prediction of big brother's TV eye on us in 1984 seems more and more plausible. But somewhere in the tremendous invasions of personal privacy involved in such a way of life is the caution that Big Brother himself shall be a witness in a criminal case only without objection by the accused or upon the most stringent restrictions.

The delicate scales of balance when the great power of the Federal Government is pitted against a single individual is shown by the editorial from the Manchester Union Leader on March 16, 1964. Without objection and by unanimous consent I include this editorial entitled "Today, It Is in Tennessee; Tomorrow, It May Be You," in the Appendix to the RECORD at this point.

The article follows:

TODAY, IT'S IN TENNESSEE; TOMORROW, IT MAY BE YOU

If you think the conduct of the recent trial, if you can call it that, of James Riddle Hoffa, the president of the Nation's largest union, the International Brotherhood of Teamsters, doesn't deserve a full-scale congressional investigation, we suggest that you read the information from the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD which is printed at the top of the back page of this paper today. It would be hard to imagine a more grisly destruction of an individual's right or interference with processes of justice, to which every free American is entitled, that is described by Congressman CUNNINGHAM, of Nebraska, and two of his colleagues, Congressman O'KONSKI, of Wisconsin, and Congressman LIBONATI, of Illinois, in their comments on the Hoffa trial delivered on the floor of the U.S. House of Representatives.

As Congressman O'KONSKI says, the gentleman from Nebraska is absolutely right when he says, "Today, it is in Tennesseetomorrow, it may be you." Then he adds: "There seems to be a double standard developing in this Nation on this matter of constitutional rights. It seems to be a matter of who you are not what you have done."

In an earlier editorial this newspaper commented on the utter impossibility of Mr. Hoffa and his codefendants receiving a fair trial for allegedly tampering with the jury in a Nashville trial 2 years ago. We pointed out that the jury in the most recent trial was held under such conditions as to create

the suspicion in their mind that someone was trying to tamper with them-and thus prejudiced them toward the idea that the defendants must be guilty of tampering with the jury in the previous trial.

If you add to this the fact that the Government used as its principal witness-as a matter of fact, without him they would not seem to have had any case a man with a criminal record who was, even as he testified, under threat of Federal prosecution, you have a very unpleasant picture, indeed, one completely repugnant to every American's sense of fairplay.

Not only does this Government witness have a criminal record, but, at the Nashville trial, while in a confidential and trusted relationship with Mr. Hoffa, he was actual

re

1y all the while a Government spy, porting to Department of Justice attorneys every night. Certainly there must be serious doubts in the minds of any impartial individual as to whether or not this Government witness didn't actually attempt to entrap Mr. Hoffa and his codefendants.

It also was brought out in the trial that the Government had hired another exconvict in Detroit to "get" Mr. Hoffa. As a matter of fact, our readers will be fascinated by the accounts from the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD of the type of supersecret surveillance that the Federal agents kept over Mr. Hoffa and his lawyers during the time of the trial, itself. Apparently, with the latest types of secret sending and receiving equipment, the agents talked back and forth to each other from cars and hidden places around where the defendants and lawyers were. These conversations, in turn, apparently were monitored by someone else and are here in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD.

The overall picture that this newspaper obtains is a horribly revolting one of the entire force of the Federal Government being focused on one man in order to "get"

him.

As this newspaper has said before, this does not look like justice to us. It looks like persecution by the arrogant choir-boy Caesar, the Attorney General Mr. Robert Kennedy, in a vicious determination to satisfy his own ego and convict Mr. Hoffa at any cost, regardless of what happens to American constitutional liberties in the meantime.

A newspaper reports that the chief Government attorney, after the verdict, called up the Attorney General and said to him: "We made it." What type of language is that to describe a serious situation involving the liberties, freedoms and very lives of the defendants? What cheap language. It is understood that the Attorney General smiled and was very happy and "gratified." Convictions are not something to be smiled about. They are sometimes necessary, but they are not something you rejoice over, like making a point in a touch football game at Hyannis Port.

It is heartening indeed to the average American citizen who realizes how helpless he would be against this type of ruthless, dictatorial power exercised by the Department of Justice, to see that three fearless Congressmen-CUNNINGHAM of Nebras

ka, O'KONSKI of Wisconsin and LIBONATI of Illinois-have the courage to stand up on the floor of the Congress of the United States and say that every man, even if he has been smeared as viciously as Mr. Hoffa, has the right to a fair trial, and to demand that the conduct of the Hoffa trial in Chattanooga, Tenn., be investigated.

We hope that these gentlemen will not only persist in this demand for an investigation but that they will be joined by other Members of Congress. As a matter of fact, not only in the interests of justice, but also for the sake of our own safety and protection, all freedom-loving Americans should also demand that the Chattanooga trial be investigated.

Iowa Legislature Adopts Concurrent Resolution Memorializing Congress To Enact Statute To Insure That Persons Are Counted at Their Voting Residence in the Forthcoming U.S. Census

EXTENSION OF REMARKS

OF

HON. FRED SCHWENGEL

OF IOWA

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 11, 1964

Mr. SCHWENGEL. Mr. Speaker, the Iowa Legislature, meeting in a special session to reapportion the State, has adopted House Concurrent Resolution 5 calling upon the Congress to give serious consideration to the enactment of a statute to insure that persons are counted at their voting residence in the forthcoming U.S. Census.

The thinking behind this resolution is sound and I feel that Congress should give consideration to such a law. Under leave to extend my remarks, I ask that the language of House Concurrent Resolution 5 appear in the Appendix of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD as it was adopted by the Iowa Legislature:

HOUSE CONCURRENT RESOLUTION 5 Whereas apportionment of the Iowa Legislature and seats in Congress are based on the U.S. Census, and allocations of Federal aid are based on population formulas, it is imperative that people be counted in their voting residences; and

Whereas it appears that the present statutory rules for taking the U.S. Census are very broad and administrative rules decree that servicemen overseas are not included in the count at all; and servicemen in the United States are counted where they are stationed and college students are counted where they attend college and not in the county or precinct of their voting residence; and

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