An editorial in the Rochester (N.Y.) Democrat and Chronicle on February 11 discussed the criminal cases of outright cruelty which go undetected and the cause of their concealment. I quote an excerpt from this excellent editorial, entitled "Battered' Children":

Because of their contacts with families, practicing physicians are closely related to the problem of medical neglect or physical abuse of minors. Yet many physicians do not want to refer such suspected cases to authorities because of the legal restrictions of the physician-patient relationship.

Mr. Speaker, this matter concerns me deeply, because it involves the need to protect those who cannot protect themselves. Further, it is a matter that concerns Congress, since child abuse legislation affecting the District of Columbia is presently pending in the House.

The gentleman from New York [Mr. MULTER] has introduced H.R. 9652, a bill to provide for the mandatory reporting by physicians and institutions in the District of Columbia of certain physical abuse of children. I solidly support this legislative proposal.

I have the pleasure to serve as a member of Subcommittee No. 3 of the Committee on the District of Columbia, which the gentleman chairs. I know firsthand his dedicated desire to see this Congress enact legislation which would require doctors or hospitals to report suspected child abuse cases to the police. The bill would require such reporting and would guarantee immunity from legal suits for those making the reports.

It should be noted that this measure has gained editorial support from an important broadcasting company in Washington. In early February, WMAL, WMAL-FM, and WMAL-TV offered the following statement of opinion to their viewers and listeners:

CHILD ABUSE

The Commissioners have, quite rightly, ordered the Corporation Counsel's office to draft corrective child abuse legislation. Congressman MULTER, of New York, has already introduced a bill to provide mandatory medical reports of suspected physical abuse

cases.

The Multer bill would require doctors to report suspected cases to police and would grant legal immunity to doctors from any civil or criminal action that resulted from their reports.

Ten States now have child abuse laws. Children of the District need similar protection.

We have repeatedly urged legislation to cure this repugnant crime. A WMAL news and public affairs documentary last December proved the dire need to protect children against willful physical abuse and led to the proposed legislation.

The House District Committee should receive in the near future a child abuse bill from the Commissioners. We hope the bill is compatible with Congressman MULTER'S bill, so lengthy hearings will be unnecessary. Swift passage of corrective legislation is plainly in the best interest of the community.

Mr. Speaker, I hope that all Members of the House will acquaint themselves with the problem of child abuse in the District of Columbia and pledge their support to the early enactment of H.R. 9652 in order to provide for the protection of children who suffer at the hands of angry adults.

An Odor of Police-State Methods

EXTENSION OF REMARKS

OF

HON. KATHARINE ST. GEORGE

OF NEW YORK

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 5, 1964

Mrs. ST. GEORGE. Mr. Speaker, the following column by Mr. William S. White appeared in the Washington Post of March 4.

Mr. White does well to call our attention to the gradual use and acceptance of police-state methods in the United States. This, of course, is in direct contravention of the fourth amendment to the Constitution written in the Bill of Rights, which reads:

The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures shall not be violated, and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.

The law and civil rights are applicable to all citizens, not just to the good guys. The law is supposed to be blind and metes out justice with equity to all alike. The column referred to follows: AN ODOR OF POLICE-STATE METHODS (By William S. White)

An unpleasant odor of police-state methods of instances of illegal wiretapping and of Federal snoopery over the mail of private persons-is arising from the vicinity of the U.S. Department of Justice.

The victims of these episodes have been, of course, either highly unpopular or even "bad" men, in the minds of many. This superficial circumstance, however, is wholly ir

relevant to the deep, root fact that this abuse of the Federal investigative power is fundamentally alien to a free society. It is mortally offensive to the constitutional guarantees of freedom and privacy which above all it is this same Justice Department's responsibility to shelter rather than attack.

Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy, the Department's head, owes a duty to his position and to the American tradition not simply to put a stop at once to every form of this unfairness. It is his obligation as well to punish those officials involved in itresolutely and pitilessly.

HAS HIGHER FUNCTION

For the Department of Justice has one function even higher than that of fighting crime and subversion. This is the lofty duty to protect and defend the Constitution and the Bill of Rights of the people including the bad people-under it.

Though there is no evidence that the Justice Department has been running actually wild in this area, it is all the same a fact that recent examples of extra-legal Federal action against so-called baddies are troubling many reasonable men, most noteably in the U.S. Senate.

Roy Cohn, the New York lawyer under Federal indictment on perjury and conspiracy charges, complains that his mail is under Government surveillance a clear and

undeniable violation of his basic rights as a defendant in a criminal case brought Justice Department spokesmen first deny any against him by that same Government. Federal mail watch on their behalf. Subsequently, they are compelled to admit the truth of Cohn's complaint; they then blame it on an assistant Federal prosecutor.

A Federal judge, Archie O. Dawson, feels

obliged publicly to denounce the incident as "shocking"-as indeed it is, in spite of the fact that Cohn in his day was an eager part of the pack of professional accusers of other men who gathered around the late Senator Joseph R. McCarthy, of Wisconsin.

Edward Levinson, a Las Vegas, Nev., gambler-albeit, a perfectly legal gambler under the laws of that State-says before a Senate committee investigating the Bobby Baker case that Federal authorities "bugged" his telephones. This sort of thing has repeatedly been condemned by the courts of this country as a dirty business.

It is disclosed at the same time by United Press International that Nevada Members of Congress had gone to President Johnsonhimself a lifelong antagonist of all forms of illicit Federal snooping-to protest reported Federal wiretapping in both Las Vegas and Reno, even before the Levinson affair. UPI reports that Senator HOWARD CANNON, of Nevada, had then been assured by a Justice Department official that there would be no Federal wiretapping in that State.

HANDED SUBPENA

And to add to all this unpleasant and disturbing business, Levinson, in the midst of his appearance before the committee in the Baker case, is handed a subpena in an income-tax investigation by a Federal agent who invades the very Senate without its knowledge or permission to work this blatantly intimidating unfairness to a Senate witness.

The point to be stressed in all this is that good intentions are no substitutes for correct Federal procedures. For unless the constitutional rights of all of us-including, and even particularly including the Cohns and Levinsons, whatever their real or alleged sinsare kept safe, the rights of none of us can be guaranteed in the end.

The understandable and proper desire of Federal agents and prosecutors to enforce the law must not be further confused with the fateful duty of these agents and prosecutors to uphold something else called the Constitution of the United States.

Pearson's Whitewash of L.B.J.

EXTENSION OF REMARKS

OF

HON. ROBERT H. MICHEL

OF ILLINOIS

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 5, 1964

Mr. MICHEL. Mr. Speaker, the Madison (Wis.) Capital Times has carried Columnist Drew Pearson's column for a good many years. In their issue of March 2, 1964, they expressed their concern over Columnist Drew Pearson's whitewash of the Bobby Baker scandal. The Capital Times editorial, entitled “We Don't Go Along With Pearson's Whitewash of L.B.J." follows:

WE DON'T GO ALONG WITH PEARSON'S
WHITEWASH OF L.B.J.

Elsewhere on this page will be found an article by Drew Pearson in which he gives President Johnson a clean bill of health in the Bobby Baker scandal.

Pearson has occupied a curious role in this investigation. He is usually taking the lead in exposing wrongdoing in Government. But in the Baker scandal his efforts have been aimed principally at exposing the witness who has made the most damning case against the President's tieup with BakerDon Reynolds.

The Capital Times does not go along with the Pearson effort to absolve the President

responsibility in this case, particularly effort to unload Baker on to the late tor Kerr who cannot speak in his own

ise.

e fact is that Lyndon Johnson, like y Baker, has become a millionaire on ublic salary. His family has a monop1 TV in the capital city of Texas, Austin. city has 100,000 more people than Madbut has only one TV station while son has three commercial stations and ducational station.

› President has said that he received lebrated stereo set as a gift from Baker. Don Reynolds has testified that he was I to give it to Johnson as part of the in which he sold the LBJ Co. $200,000 of life insurance on Johnson. molds also testified that he was asked y $1,200 worth of advertising time on ustin station, which he did. The Preshas offered no explanation at all of this

e.

irman Jordan of the investigating com> has said that Reynolds offered docuition to prove his charges.

fact is that the investigation, which on tiptoes from the outset, has been ed cold. Baker has thumbed his nose committee and has been treated with loves, as has his secretary, the beauty he set up in a lavish Washington

he President were concerned about getthe truth in this case, he would urge to testify. For 8 years Baker was his In the Senate. And Baker reported 1 when he was Vice President. Pearson to write a column such as is hed on this page today simply adds ice to the story that is being circulated ghout Wisconsin by the RepublicansPearson is being influenced by the fact he President has appointed his (Pearstepson to a high position in the Office Department.

in Joy Browning, Montana Voice of Democracy Winner

EXTENSION OF REMARKS

OF

HON. JAMES F. BATTIN

OF MONTANA

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, March 5, 1964

Mr. BATTIN, Mr. Speaker, this year's winner of the annual Voice of Democracy Contest in the State of Montana is a young lady from my congressional district, Miss Sharon Joy Browning, of Great Falls, Mont.

The Voice of Democracy contest is sponsored by the Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States. Miss Browning will be the guest of that organization in Washington during the meetings of the department commanders and will attend the congressional dinner on March 10 at which time the national winners will be anounced. The department commander of Montana is Mr. Phillip C. Montegna. It will be my great pleasure to be at the banquet and I hope that our State winner will be announced as a national winner.

I am proud to commend to the reading of my colleagues the very fine speech by Miss Browning:

"President Kennedy has seen; now we have hope." How many times I heard that simple

comment during my summer stop in Germany, and how much it has broadened my concept of the great challenges attached to American citizenship. The late President's utterance, "ich bin ein Berliner," swept away the doubts of millions, and left in its stead-hope. But hope must be fed or its flame dies, and the people of Berlin look anxiously toward America for leadership, support, and decisive action. Nor is Berlin an isolated example-in Vietnam, China, and countries of Africa and South America, the United States has become the symbol for democratic freedom.

Today travel from one country to another requires only a few hours; no longer is the picture of America dependent only upon its ambassadors, its diplomats, and the cold words of a written text. Today the vacationer, the actor, the student-each plays a "live" part in painting the picture of our democracy to the other peoples of the world.

Never before has the individual's interpretation of the challenges of citizenship been so nakedly on exhibit. Before my visit to Berlin, if anyone had asked me what my duties as a citizen were I might have given the old textbook answers to vote, to be informed, to pay taxes, to take an active part in Government, and to respect and obey the laws of the land. But now we you and I and every other American-must stop thinking of these as an easy answer to the question. We must know them as never before; we must practice them as never before; and we must be prepared to answer for any laxness on our part-not just to our State or Nation, but to the world. Each of us is on display. The manner in which we carry out the rights and privileges of citizenship in a free democracy will determine whether that democracy will expand-or even if it will survive.

One of the most difficult, yet most vital challenges of citizenship is to develop individualistic answers to the following four questions: First, each of us must know what democracy is; secondly, why we believe in it; third, how we can support it; and finally, where we can strengthen it. There is no one correct answer to any of these questions; they all require the personal thought and interpretation of every American.

The dictionary still defines a citizen as "an inhabitant of or dweller in any city, town, or place." But no longer can we think only of our home, our city, our State, or even only of our Nation. The world must live as a family if it is to survive. America is the recognized haven of democracy, but she is only as strong as the people who support her. It is incumbent upon my generation to carry the great American message to every corner of the globe-to become true disciples zenship. of democracy. This is the challenge of citi

The Poverty of Prosperity

EXTENSION OF REMARKS

OF

HON. DURWARD G. HALL

OF MISSOURI

THE POVERTY OF PROSPERITY

After watching the Today show portray the "abject poverty" of Kentucky hillfolk, I am the more convinced that the popular definition of "poverty" is all wet. I am the more sold on Ambrose Bierce's definition that poverty is "a file provided for the teeth of the rats of reform." In other words we become aware of poverty, in direct proportion to the current demand for votes to elect more scoundrels to public office. If NBC in New York City must exhibit its interpretation of poverty then it need go no further than the slum tenements of its own East Side. Poverty cannot be defined as merely the state of being poor. As I get it, the Pilgrims who landed on "the rock" were poor as Jobs turkey (the Biblical cliché of poverty supreme) yet they were happy to shake off the shackles of servitude. That is to say, they were poor but free. Actually they escaped one form of bondage to conscript themselves to another. Time and experience has proven that.

When it comes to portraying poverty among hillfolk I am naturally prejudiced by my own experience. Having been born and reared in the Ozark hills, and having spent a good portion of my early working years in close assosections, even during the depression, I can ciation with families of the more remote truthfully report that I never saw any of these people go hungry. That does not mean that all escaped the pangs of want. By and large they were a proud, happy, and resourceful people until convinced by politicians that they were living in poverty and needed to be "saved" by Uncle Sam.

By popular classification, Henry David Thoreau lived in poverty his 2 years at Walden's Pond. Yet, no American has equaled the wealth of his philosophical observations recorded there. It was as if he had lived

the last phrase of these immortal words of Bacon, "Prosperity doth best discover vice, but adversity doth best discover virtue."

This brings up another quote-this from Thoreau himself, "The luxury of one class is counterbalanced by the indigence (poverty or want) of another."

anon.

rabbits ribs before papa shot it and brought it in for the table.

If those hill boys can run that fast, then they are a sight richer then we middle-class specimens of the "affluent society," for we can't even climb a flight of stairs without puffing.

A Comparison of the U.S. Constitution and the U.N. Charter

EXTENSION OF REMARKS

OF

HON. H. ALLEN SMITH

OF CALIFORNIA

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

Thursday, March 5, 1964

common defense, promote the general welfare and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity." The Charter through a collective organization of members is determined to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, to develop friendly relations among nations with respect for the principles of equal rights and self determination of peoples, and to be a center for bringing about harmony among nations. But the important difference lies in the manner in which these two documents shall bring about their purposes. Herein lies the true comparison of these two thought-provoking documents. In purpose they both sound eloquent in their language, but let us compare them more closely.

Under the Constitution of the United States, our representatives are elected by the qualified voters, under State laws, with some age, residence and citizenship restrictions. These representatives may be removed from office upon disqualification by impeachment, and may not hold or enjoy any office of honor or trust in the United States. Other elected

representatives may be removed from office by the power of the secret ballot, which is one of the bulwarks of our Republic.

A COMPARISON OF THE U.S. CONSTITUTION AND THE UNITED NATIONS CHARTER

To compare the U.S. Constitution and the United Nations Charter we must first understand the origin and the reason for the existence of these two documents-then justify their existence today.

After the War of Independence in America, our forefathers knew they had to have a stronger Central Government. That is why they agreed to think out and write our Constitution. They fully realized that this was absolutely necessary in order to protect and preserve for future generations the freedoms, and liberties they had found in the New World. Delegates from all the States met in Philadelphia in 1787 to write the Constitution of the Federal Government to meet the needs of the Union. Great American patriots like George Washington, Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and Benjamin Franklin guided the framing of our Constitution, which today is the supreme law of our country.

Many years later in the fall of 1944, four countries-China, Russia, Britain, and the United States-met at Dumbarton Oaks near Washington, D.C., and worked out plans for an international organization. This plan was in accord with the previous declaration made in January 1, 1942, known as, the Atlantic Charter, for the purpose of cooperating to work out the compromises to end World War II. This international organization was formed with a purpose to maintain peace and security and to develop friendly relations among people of all nations-with respect for the rights and freedom for all. The first draft of the charter was written in 1943 by Lee Pasvelsky, a Russian born economist in our State Department and he was later assisted by Alger Hiss, a convicted perjurer, Harry Dexter White, and Vyacheslov Molotov. These are the men whose hearts and minds guided the framing of the United Nations Charter, which today is becoming more and more the supreme law of the world.

It is interesting to note that the U.S. Constitution and the United Nations Charter both begin with the same five words, "We, the people of the United States," and "We, the peoples of the United Nations," and hereafter these words the documents become entirely different. However, let us look further in our Constitution, its purpose is to "form a more perfect Union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the

The United Nations Charter provides for six permanent organs and sets forth the functions of each. They are the General As

and Social Council, the Trusteeship Council, the International Court of Justice, and the Secretariat. Each member nation of the United Nations has a representative in the General Assembly with one vote. This Assembly appoints the five permanent members of the Security Council, and also the Secretary General. Any one member may vote "no" and veto any action, thereby making it very difficult for any true agreement. Under the Security Council, the United Nations may take over our Army and Navy and operate them in any action they decide in order to maintain international peace and security. The Security Council has the right to call to arms our military forces, dispatch and operate them under a United Nations force. The Security Council may call upon any member to provide armed forces, and instead of our President being Commander in Chief of our military forces, the Military Staff Committee, composed of the Chiefs of Staff of the permanent members of the Security Council, directs the armed forces placed at its disospal. Many known enemies are admitted to the Security Council.

Under our Constitution the powers of Government are limited. The States, or the people retain possession of all the rights that the Constitution does not give to the Federal Government. All those born in the United States and subject to its laws are U.S. citizens. They are also citizens of the State in which they live. No State can make or enforce a law injuring the rights of a citizen. No State can take away any man's life, liberty, or property, except as the laws order. Furthermore, no State can refuse anyone the full protections provided by its laws. The United States will protect a State against riots and insurrections if the Governor requests it. Neither individuals, nor their homes or possessions can be seized or searched without a sworn warrant telling exactly whom or what to seize or search. No one can be tried for a major crime unless a grand jury says there are grounds for a trial. Life, liberty, and property cannot be taken from anyone except through authorized legal procedure. When a man is accused of a crime, he is entitled to a prompt trial with an unbiased jury, and he must be present when witnesses speak against him. It is also his right to have a lawyer to defend him. Our Constitution sets up courts under the Supreme Court.

The U.N. Charter provides for vast expansion of governmental powers. It may take over a country or a territory and set up its

own authority. It neutralizes countries and then disarms them. It sets up the political, economic, social, education, and religious problems of the captive country under a Trusteeship Council system. There is no voice of the people or by the people in this power of the charter.

In chapter XIV of the charter, the International Court of Justice is spelled out very clearly. This Court shall be the principal judicial organ of the United Nations, and all members of the United Nations are parties to this International Court of Justice. If a member fails to abide by a ruling of this Court, the other party may have recourse to the Security Council, which may decide what course to follow.

In the charter there is no mention of a trial by jury. This omission is serious in that the right of an individual to prove his innocence is denied. Americans may be placed under United Nations arrest, trial, and punishment, and world law may be enforced. All individuals will be brought under United Nations "law" and subject to arrest, trial, and punishment under United Nations criminal courts. This enforcement of a world court upon Americans is in direct violation of the rights guaranteed under the Constitution of the United States.

Our Constitution gives the President the power with the advice and consent of the Senate to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the Senators present agree. This Constitution, plus the laws and treaties made in carrying it out, is the highest law of the United States. All legislative, executive, and judicial officers, Federal and State, must swear to support the Constitution.

Under the provisions of the United Nations Charter, chapter XVL, "Every treaty and every international agreement entered into by any member of the United Nations after the present charter comes into force shall as soon as possible be registered with the Secretariat and published by it." No party to any such treaty or international agreement, which has not been registered, may invoke that treaty or agreement before any organ of the United Nations. Should any conflict between the obligation of members of the United Nations and obligations under any other agreement, their obligation under the United Nations Charter shall prevail.

The preamble to our Constitution sets forth the purposes for which this great document was designed. "In Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general Welfare and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity."

The Secretariat of the United Nations Charter was established as the administrative body of the organization. One of the duties of the Secretary General is to bring to the attention of the Security Council any matter which in his opinion threatens the maintenance of peace and security. The Secretary General is appointed by the Genneral Assembly upon recommendation of the Security Council, and he appoints the staffs of the Economic and Social Council. The powers of this organ may make reports with respect to international, economic, social. cultural, educational, health, religion, and related matters. The Economic and Social Council may take appropriate steps to obtain reports from agencies and make arrangements to take any steps necessary to effect its own recommendations.

The Constitution of the United States gave our country a new kind of government, which was strong enough to stand the stress and strain of two foreign wars. It began to serve a nation of 13 weak States or colonies in America, and has continued to serve for a nation of 50 States-stretching from across the ocean. As a young nation we were primarily engaged in agriculture during the

days of the birth of our Constitution: today, our Nation is the greatest agriculture and manufacturing Nation in the world, and the

wealthiest. It has been necessary to change

the Constitution very little, and the form of government it insures us is without parallel in the world today. Because we adopted the U.S. Constitution our country developed without revolution or a military dictatorship from a weak undivided union to strength and unity; from anarchy to civil order; and from death to a people seeking freedom and liberty.

The United Nations Charter is truly a pattern for foreign policy. The original planning of this international organization started in 1939 in our Department of State. This organization superceded the old League of Nations, which was unable to prevent the aggressions leading to World War II in 1939. The United States refused to join the league. The league's assets and property, valued at $11,700,000, were turned over to the United Nations. There is nothing new in the United Nations Charter which did not exist in the old League of Nations, which this country rejected. The United Nations Charter has given Russia the opportunity to build a wall against freedom and liberty in Berlin. The peace making effectiveness of this organization during the past years is dubious. Communism has spread over almost the entire world. While its member nations fail to pay their assessed share of the cost of this organization, the United States subsidizes Communist nations so they may continue to be represented. It fails to encourage respect for human life and freedom, and it falls short of its aim to bring peace and harmony among nations. Many captive nations today who cry for freedom and liberty have fallen under the yoke of communism with the help of the United Nations.

The Constitution of the United States has served as a model for the forming of Republican governments on both sides of the Atlantic, and today it is the oldest written form of government existing in the world. It gives the individual the dignity, freedom, and liberty and then sets forth to protect it for him and preserve it for his heritage.

It is important that the liberty and freedom our Constitution gives us is not traded for the stamps of the U.N.

Panama Canal: Red Shadows Evident

EXTENSION OF REMARKS

OF

HON. DANIEL J. FLOOD

OF PENNSYLVANIA

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

Thursday, March 5, 1964

Mr. FLOOD. Mr. Speaker, ever since the 1956 crisis over the Suez Canal Company, which resulted from the nationalization of that British-French owned Egyptian corporation by Egypt and the ensuing abortive attempt by Great Britain and France to regain this property, the echoes of these actions have continued to reverberate from Panama.

It was immediately evident then, and has been ever since, that in the operations of the world revolutionary movement for world conquest, such events as those that occurred in Egypt and Panama were not isolated incidents but parts of a splendidly planned and carefully coordinated program for securing control of strategic trade routes.

As usual, Constantine Brown, in the February 29, 1964, issue of the Evening

Star of Washington, D.C., written from his vantage point in Rome, Italy, reflects an objective perception that is rare

among our publicists.

The article follows:

[From the Washington (D.C.) Evening Star, Feb. 29, 1964]

RED SHADOWS EVIDENT IN CYPRUS-U.S. POLICY OF TOGETHERNESS REMAINS DESPITE HEADWAY OF RUSSIA AND CHINA

(By Constantine Brown)

ROME. From the Caribbean to the Mediterranean and from southeast Asia to east The Africa there is bloodshed and trouble. West, taken by surprise, after the few weeks of relative calm following President Kennedy's assassination, seems at a loss as to how to handle the situation.

Somalia, the Congo, and the other newly born African states have become war zones. So has South Vietnam. In Malaysia we may also soon witness an equal upheaval. Cyprus threatens to become the Mediterranean Cuba, just as Zanzibar has become the Indian Ocean's Castro-land.

In every one of these bloodbathed areas the hands of Moscow and Peking can be clearly seen. The United States and her allies have been living in a kind of political euphoria because of the apparent schism between the U.S.S.R. and Communist China. The suggestion of some Kremlinologists that this was only a personal quarrel between Mao Tse-tung and Khrushchev-no different from that between Tito and Stalin-is pooh-poohed by American policymakers. It is even described as antiadministration propaganda by professional bellyachers. Yet, it is obvious that Peiping and Moscow are working hand in hand in their efforts to hit what they call Western neoimperialism. While there is unity of purpose in the Communist camp, the free nations are suspicious of each other's motives and are each pulling their own way.

Despite the obvious Communist cooperation in a war in which the United States is the main target, America's basic policy continues to be togetherness with those who have vowed to destroy this country. Cyprus is in danger of being Castro-ized. The British say, as they did during the 1956 Suez crisis, "There are ominous undertones of Russian exploitation and pressure." The Soviet Embasy in Nicosia has been active in

a

behind-the-scenes campaign which has reopened the present strife between the Greek and Turkish populations on the island. The Russian Ambassador has convinced President Makarios, whose sympathies toward Britain and America are, at best, lukewarm, to stand firm against the proposals for a NATO truce force. America's only role, in the past, in Cyprus has been to provide millions in economic aid. He has compelled us to submit the Cyprus affair to the United Nations.

It is only obvious that it won't be long before Russia will start playing an important part in the affairs of the unfortunate island. Whether blue-helmeted United Nations forces will enter the island or not seems to many European obtservers to be immaterial. What is certain is that Russia will take an active part in the pacification of Cyprus. President Makarios himself will have to go eventually and a Castro-type Cypriot will be put in his place. There are already a number of pro-Communists in the Makarios government.

In the Congo, the situation has again become chaotic. The Peiping-trained former Minister of Education, Pierre Mulele, is leading the Congolese guerrillas called the Congolese Communist Youth. The bands are well organized posses. They have, in addition to poisoned arrows, machineguns and mortars. They follow the Chinese strategy of hit-and-run attacks and have to

their advantage the element of initiative in a vast territory of 60,000 square miles which cannot be policed by the meager Government forces. According to experts the Congolese Government would need the help of at least twice the present number of United Nations police to bring even a temporary semblance of order in the chaotic Congo.

A shaky truce has been arranged between the warring Somalis and the Ethiopians. It is interesting to note that the Somalis were provided with $30 million worth of modern military equipment by Moscow last year. Russian officers are training the Somali bands and making them into a real army. Some 300 Somali young men are being trained in Russian military schools specializing in guerrilla warfare.

In southeast Asia, the Chinese and Russians have also a common purpose-to dislodge all remaining Western influence from that area. Russian war material and Chinese officers are helping. President Sukarno's Indonesian Army is larger than the entire British Army committed to the four corners of the world. Indonesia has also a navy superior to what Britain, Australia, and New Zeland can afford to send to those waters. Their hope, in the event of a showdown with Mr. Sukarno, is the U.S. 7th Fleet. The cooperation between Communist China and the U.S.S.R., despite the nasty words Mr. Mao and Mr. Khrushchev are flinging at each other, is as close as ever when it comes to the elimination of the free West. Yet both London and Washington continue to be lulled by the euphoric belief that because the Russians have not broken off the disarmament conference at Geneva, "togetherness" is on the horizon and we must leave no stone unturned to make it a reality.

The Challenge of Citizenship

EXTENSION OF REMARKS

OF

HON. WALTER S. BARING

OF NEVADA

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, March 5, 1964

Mr. BARING. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I should like to have inserted in the Appendix of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the prize-winning speech written by Miss Toni de Salvo of Reno, Nev., entered in the Voice of Democracy Contest which is conducted by the Veterans of Foreign Wars each year. This year 250,000 high school students participated in the contest, competing for the four scholarships that are awarded as top prizes.

THE CHALLENGE OF CITIZENSHIP

I am a very new citizen of the United States. When I first came to this country from England 6 years ago, I was left awestruck. The towering skyscrapers, the modern conveniences, and the magnificent natural beauty of this land captivated me; and I knew at once that I wanted to make my home here and wanted my children to be America's children-the products of a prospering, democratic society.

It has taken me 5 years to prepare myself for citizenship in the United States, and those years of study were not the easiest I have spent. Yet I have learned much, and I hope what knowledge I have gained will help to make me a worthy citizen.

There are many things one must know before he can be considered adequately prepared for citizenship. This honor. especially for a naturalized citizen such as I, car