cited against the juice of the prefent war is here encountered, by fhowing that it was altogether unavoidable;" a pofition, which any perverlenefs, lefs than Jacobinical, can hardly deny. The acceffion to the ministry of "a molt respectable party" once opposed to it, and the merits of the prefent minifters, are then properly stated and commented upon. The demerits of those who lately were an oppofition are justly delineated; and the "amiable virtues" of fome among them are acknowledged, with a candour at leaft fufficiently liberal. The neceffity of thofe heavy burthens, about to be laid upon us, is then shown; and the wicked folly and bafenefs of clamouring against them are properly expofed. The preacher then turns himself to religious reflections ftrictly fuitable to the folemnity of the occafion; and concludes with a very energetic and truly Chriftian prayer. The whole difcourfe is well adapted to "remove the prejudices, difpel the apprehenfions, and inform the understandings,” of the lower claffes among us; for whose instruction principally it is written and published.

ART. 38. Afhort, bat ferious Appeal, to the Head and Heart of every unbiaffed Chriftian. By Thomas Langley, A. B. of Snelson, DerbyShire. 8vo. 42 pp. 15. 6d. Pridden, &c. 1799.

We readily award to this Appeal the praife of great zeal and evident good intention. But we cannot fay that this zeal is fo well tempered, as to make the tract acceptable to readers of a calm judgment and a correct taste. There is in it a greater portion of declamation than of argument, and of rhetoric than of found oratory.

POLITICS.

ART. 39. Reponse de L. N. M. Carnot, Citoyen Français, l'un des Fondateurs de la Republique, et Membre Conftitutionel du Directoire Executif; au rapport fail fur la conjuration du 18 Fructidor, An ze au Confeil des Cinq Cents. Par 3. Ch. Ballieul, au nom d'un Commiffion Spéciale. 18 Florial, An. 6. Londres. (Reprinted here.) Wright, 169, Piccadilly. 1799.

When rogues fall out, honeft men, it is faid, come to their own; they obtain at least, some knowledge of the truth, which the combination of knaves had concealed. Carnot clearly proves his colleagues to be rogues, and, as far as their accufation of him went, justifies himself. The mott remarkable paffage is the remonftrance, even of this man, against the fate of Switzerland. He introduces it by a general view of directorial policy, which we will give in English, that as many as poffible may understand it.

"The fyftem of the Directory," fays Carnot himself, fo lately a Director, is not dubious to any one who has obferved their proceedings with attention. It is, to found the national power, not fo much on the real greatnefs of the republic, as on the enfeebling and deffroying, its neighbours, whom they play off one againft another; reating them as friends fo long as is required to weaken them, or

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draw out fuccour from them; but when the time for crushing them arrives, thefe fertile geniufes can quickly find a pretext for realizing the fable of the wolf and the lamb. This may be seen in their conduct towards the little cantons of Switzerland." P. 105. Their country, he afterwards ftates, was the very cradle of liberty, which had made them happy for 500 years. They found the conftitution offered them lefs democratic than their own, and would have refused it, but death was the punishment they met for thinking for themfelves.

Ahother remarkable paffage is where this man, whofe peculiar department was the military regulations, thus expreffes his opinion of the prefent ftate of the French army. "I am perfuaded," he fays, "that, without having to make war against the great powers of Europe, the armies will be reduced by the end of this campaign to near one half, in men as well as military ftores. The great powers have feized this opportunity to put themfelves in force. The embarraffment of the finances increafes, in fpite of the increase of the contributions, in fpite of the fums drawn from foreign countries, and the fuppreffion of payments within France herself. P. 201. Such is the view of things given by one who must completely know the truth; may the iffue of the conteft now renewed be such as this prof pect gives us occafion to hope.

ART. 40. Freedom Defended; or the Practice of Defpots expofed. Bes ing an Answer to a Work recently circulated in the Neighbourhood of Stockport, by Mr. Phillips, under the Title of Democratic Principles. Illuftrated by Example." By William Clegg. 8vo. 23 pp. 6d. Knott, London; Clarke, Stockport. 1798.

Who or what this Mr. Clegg may be, we neither know nor trouble surfelves to enquire; but a more completely jacobinical work never iffued from the impure dens of that faction. The purpose of the writer is to counteract, as far as lies in his power, the effect of that ftrong and well-timed pamphlet of Peter Porcupine, which is mentioned in the title-page; and which Mr. Phillips (greatly as we think to his honour) appears to have circulated at Stockport, as an antidote to the poiion of Jacobinifm. To give a juft idea of the pamphlet before us, we need only state, that the author calls the late monarchy of France (which, with all its abufes, was, especially under the late fovereign, one of the mildeft in Europe,)" a deteftable go vernment, under which it was impoffible for human beings any longer to groan.' The atrocious barbarities and fyftematic rapine that have characterifed the French Revolution, are termed "fome flight indif cretions which the ftrict rules of prudence could not dictate," " a few miftakes," "one painful occurrence," &c. Thofe who reprobate thefe barbarities, that fyftem of plunder and anarchy, are "the mercenary agents and fervile fatellites of corruption." Mr. Burke is called

a hoary apoftate, who has furnished fome plaufible, though feeble, arguments in fupport of a war for the continuation of Popish fuperftition and regal defpotifm!" Need we proceed further? The indifcriminate maffacre at Lyons of hundreds and even thoufands of victims is palMated, and in a great measure justified, by their fappofed attachment

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to the cause of their murdered monarch, who is defcribed as "concerting with foreign powers, for the fubverfion of thofe liberties. which his people had fo juftly acquired, buying deftruction for the bowels of his own dominions, from the hands of every execrable defpot who was willing to hire himself or his abject vaffals on the ruthlefs errand, openly carrying bloodshed, death, and carnage amongst thofe millions for whom he impiously bore the title of Father and Defender; and for no other purpose, but to recover that defpotic power which he had lawfully refigned, anxiously attempting, by corruption at his own court, and intereft at others, to overthrow that conftitution, which the collected wisdom of the nation had formed, and its collective authority established?" &c. Ohe, jam fatis eft! The reft of the pamphlet is of the fame ftamp; and the author has fubjoined an Appendix, containing a recital of monarchical cruelties" (as he calls them); for which purpose, he has ransacked the history of several centuries, exaggerated almoft every circumftance, and refers (in part) for his authority to that impartial publication, The New Annual Regifter."

ART. 41. A Sketch of an Act of Parliament, to permit, under certain Regulations, in Wet and Cafual Harvests, the Appropriation of Twe Sundays in a Year, for the Purpofe of carrying and fecuring Corn; with the Reafons, moral and religious, upon which the propofed At is grounded. Addreffed to the Lords and Commons of England in Parlia ment affenbled. By James Roper Head, 8vo. 37 pp. 15. Debrett. 1797.

This author feems to be a humble pioneer in the great army of philofophers, who are now indefatigably employed in attacking religious inftitutions and obfervances, and through them, the religion it felf of Chriftians. The fervice affigned to Mr. Head is, to clear the way for a general attack upon the day of reft; by fhowing, that, be cause the strict obfervance of it has been relaxed by law, in a few cafes, (fometimes, we think, too lightly) therefore a further relaxation, extending its effects to every cottage in the kingdom, ought to be fanc tioned by the legiflature. Mr. H. protefts (like the rest of his comrades) against the fhrieks and cries of weak and malevolent men, and the noify cant of ignorant fanaticifm;" p. iv. that is, according to his phrafeology, against all objections to his fcheme: thofe of reviewers without doubt among the reft.

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The only reafon here affigned for profaning two Sundays especially in the year, is, that bread-corn may be cheaper to the poor; for want of which profanation, it has frequently happened," he fays, "that many a poor foul has funk filently to the grave, from the incapacity of purchafing that food." P. 11.

How many fouls would probably fink by the want of that days reft, it was not thought expedient to conjecture. But if breadcorn must be made cheaper to the poor by their increased labour, why not flefb-meat alfo, and milk, by allowing two or three more Sundays to be protaned in bay harveft; that fodder may be better and more plentiful in winter? In fhort, the legiflature could not know

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BRIT, CRIT. VOL. XIII, MARCH, 1799.

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where to limit thefe relaxations, which have already been carried at leatt as far as real neceffity demands.

But, in answer to the principle of this tract, we contend, that among all the laws ever promulgated by divine or human authority, that for the obfervance of a feventh day, as a day of reft from labour, is, the most beneficial to the poor, as fuch; and that every human connivance at the tranfgreffion of this law is adverse to their interest and happinefs. The immediate preparation of neceffary food is no connivance at all; but is merely dictated by natural neceflity. Whatever labour goes beyond this. fhould be feriously confidered by the real friends of the poor. For our part, we apprehend, that the weekly wages of labourers are regulated by the average price of the neceffaries of life, and of bread-corn in particular, computing fuch labour as performed only on fix days in feven; and that any labour on the feventh day ultimately ends in the advantage, not of the poor, but of the rich. Do not all our great manufactories, at work day and night throughout the year, confirm this opinion? But whatever may be faid by commercial or agricultural avarice, we are inclined to fay, Let the poor work only by day, and only fix days in seven, for their own fakes.

The provifions of this projected act of parliament are scarcely lefs exceptionable than its principle: "The dates of thefe two days muft be left to the fuperintending care of each individual farmer." P. 22. Certainly they muft; otherwife the projected relief would be unavailing. But who is to fuperintend each farmer?" fed quis cuftodiet ipfos Cuftodes frugum ? and fee that they do not work on every Sunday in harveft; and cut allo, as well as carry? As to the exclufion of any contract, for working on thefe two Sundays, from a yearly agreement for wages; and the payment of double harveft-wages on fuch days; (pp. 20, 21,) these projects only fhow, how ignorant the author is of the melancholy fact, that farmers can, by their contrivances, not only overreach unwary labourers, but alfo elude the inveftigations of the moft experienced magiftrates. It must not be omitted, that in the 4th commandment, cattle are thought of by their merciful creator, Why are they unnoticed by this amender of God's laws? Because they could not be mentioned, without the utter demolition of his infidious project.

Upon the whole, this tract affords an opportunity of reminding our countrymen, that there is great reafon to be careful, left the more they become a trafficking and calculating, the lefs they become a moral, religious, and happy people.

ART. 42. Obfervations on the Political State of the Continent, should France be fuffered to retain her immenfe Acquifitions; in which is reviewed Her whole Syftem of Aggrandisement, and the probable Advantages She wil! derive from the Subverfion of Italy, and the Poffeffion of Belgium on the Return of Peace. 8vo. 35. 6d. Debrett. 1799. This ufeful and interefting publication in the form of letters is. well-timed and well-directed. The writer examines in detail the conduct of the French from the time of the Revolution; and his ob

vious conclufion from the whole is what experience confirms, that Slavery is every where introduced where their arms prevail under the delufive name of Liberty; that the accumulation of their poffeffions increases the audacity and confirms the power of their rulers; and that Englishmen have no refource against their infolence but to profe. cute the war with vigour; and support with patience' even increasing burdens of taxes and expences.

ART. 43. An Examination into the Origin of the Difcontents in Ire land; with Remarks on the Writings and Interference Ex Officio of Arthur Young, Efq. being a faithful Narrative of the particular Sufferings of the Roman Catholic Prafuntry, from the Operation of Tithes, the Payment and Exaction of Surplice Fees; fhewing, by a very easy Method, a Plan for the Tranquillization of that Kingdom. By William Bingley, Fouricen Years a Refident in Ireland." 4to. 2s. 6d. 1799.

This is a very odd mixture of story telling, politics, extracts, &c. but the most important circumftance of all, namely, the tranquillization of Ireland by a very easy method, is comfined to a few fage hints about meliorating the condition of the peafantry, in which the author has our hearty good wishes.

ART. 44 An Appeal on the Subject of the English Conftitution. By John Cartwright, Efq. 8vo. 74 PP. Johnfon. No Date.

The author of this Appeal (better known by the name of Major Cartwright) having, in conjunction with other perfons in the town of Bofton and its vicinity, petitioned the House of Commons for a change in the reprefentation, or (as it is generally called) a Reform of Parliament, this meafure produced a counter petition from other inhabibitants of that neighbourhood. To this counter-petition the pamphlet before us is an answer.

The principles and opinions of this writer are fo well known, and have been fo often the fubject of difcuffion, that it would be fuperfluous here to examine, and (as we think, might eafily be done) refute them. Major Cartwright is an enthufiaft (we hope an honeft one) in the cause of general, if not universal fuffrage. But while he propofes only the former, his arguments unfortunately go the whole length of the latter; for, if no man is free but he who has a vote in the choice of a reprefentative in Parliament, his plan undoubtedly excludes from his beloved civil liberty a very numerous part of the nation, and reduces them to what he calls legal protection; which the Major tells us may be equally well enjoyed under the most arbitrary government. The petition (a copy of which is given in the pamphlet) prefents a moft lamentable ftate of public affairs; which (except fo much as un avoidably arifes from the war and general condition of Europe) the obfervations of every unprejudiced perfon muft contradict. It refers to a former petition (prefented by or from whom we are not told) all the allegations of which it affumes, as if proved. In thefe points we are obliged to fay, Negatur Major." But, in his plan of arming houfeholders throughout the kingdom, for the defence of their property

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