representation.

Blacks made no progress toward achieving parity in grades GS-15 and above, which is where they

are most under-represented.

Furthermore, it would take over

six years for blacks to gain parity in grades GS-14 for

the National Office and in grades GS 13-14 for the Field.

(Chart 17, p. 65).

Taking a less stringent standard, the progress of

blacks toward achieving just an equitable distribution rather than a full parity, can be examined. This is shown

in Chart 18. Based on last year's entry rate, blacks in the Field would gain an equitable distribution within

three years.

However, there appeared to be no significant

improvement for blacks in the National Office.

This analysis demonstrates that the rate at which

minorities and women have been promoted and hired over the last year has been insufficient to achieve parity in any reasonable time-span. The time-series analysis for blacks showed minimal progress toward achieving an equitable distribution. This may have resulted from blacks in the

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Assuming the turnover rate is the same for blacks as for all employees.

NO PROGRESS MADE OVER THE LAST YEAR TOWARD ACHIEVING PARITY

Source:

See pg. 222, part e, for an explanation of how this table was developed.

higher grades having a greater turnover rate than all employees in these grades. The time-in-grade analysis, however, specifies that promotions and hires, themselves, were not sufficient to gain parity for minorities and women, even assuming that they had the same turnover as all profession

als.

In terms of availability, the time-in-grade data show that there are significant numbers of blacks in both the National Office and the Field having the time-in-grade which enables most employees to advance. Having a significant amount of time-in-grade does not imply that an employee is qualified to be promoted, but it does mean that the lack of experience at a particular grade would not preHowever, even though

sent an obstacle to his advancement.

a significant number of blacks in the higher grades have the experience in grade to advance, a relatively larger number of white professionals have this experience. inasmuch as entries into each grade can be said to be a

Thus,

function of the length of time-in-grade of employees in the preceeding grades, the entry rate of blacks in each of the higher grades will be lower than the rate for whites.

This

situation, together with the absence of significant gains for blacks in progressing to higher grades over the last year further illustrates the need for affirmative action. (Tables 19-90, pp. 433-68 ).

One additional factor to consider is the very substantial time-in-grade of the lower grade professionals. Forty-eight percent of GS-5's, 30 percent of GS-7's, and 49 percent of GS-9's have time-in-grade of over one year although professionals were supposed to be promoted each year through these grades to GS-11. In addition, there are 87 professionals in grades GS-6, 8, and 10, even though professionals are not supposed to occupy these grades. Either these employees with more than one year of time-in-grade or in grades GS-6, 8, or 10 were denied career ladders or they were incorrectly classified as professionals. spotcheck of these individuals disclosed that some were doing professional work whereas others were nonprofessionals

A

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incorrectly classified as professionals.

(Table 16,

p. 431; Table 5, p.254).

24/

See p. 221, part d, of the statistical appendix, and p.118 of the upgrading section for a more complete discussion of this.