276

The Enquirer. No. IV.

fituation of the speculative mathemati cian, who, after he has folved an useful problem, feels no inclination to apply it in practice. The neceffary confequence of the adoption of the fyftem of univerfal exclufive of private affection, would be a general relaxation of the fprings of action; and it might be expected, that, except during the daily half hour's labour, which the neceffities of life would demand, men would think it fufficient, if they ate plentifully, flept quietly, and "rofe up to play." Happiness is beft provided for by the divifion of affection, as wealth by the divifion of labour; for in the proportion in which affection is extended, it loses its impuifive force, as the circles, produced by a ftone falling on the fmooth furface of a lake, gradually become fainter as they recede from the centre.

[May

theorems, without his log-line, and his Gunter's fcale, as that a man unused to fpeculation fhould be able to calculate every cafe of moral action by the general principle of univerfal benevolence.

From these united confiderations it may be confidently concluded, that the private affections form a neceffary part of the moral economy of man, and, therefore are not inconfiftent with the law of univerfal benevolence.--To the advocates for the exclufive authority of this law it is conceded, that it is the foundation of all other laws; that it is paramount to all other laws; that where it can be applied with certainty, it ought to be followed without referve; and that the fublimity and perfection of virtue confift in facrific ing the lefs to the greater good. It is also conceded, that it is the general tendency of private affection to direct a larger portion of kindness towards its object, than without attending to the influence of these affections upon the general fyftem, might feem right: and that particular cafes may be fuppofed, in which greater immediate good will be produced by confulting general utility, than by following the impulse of private affection. It is granted, that it might have been for the immediate advantage of the world, that the life of the wife and virtuous Fenelon* fhould have been preferved, when his palace was fire, rather than that of his worthless valet. Nevertheless, fuppofing, at fuch a moment, the choice to reft with the mother of the valet, it is contended, that it was better, because on the whole more productive of good, that private maternal affection should have dictated the preference of the valet to his mafter, than that the good archbishop of Cambray should have been faved, in obedience to a fyftem which fuppofes the annihilation of the private affections. Univerfally, it is contended, on the grounds above ftated, that parental, filial and fraternal love, friendship, gratitude, patriotism, and other limited affections may, under certain established regulations be indulged, without abandoning general benevolence;---that, as the chemical attractions, which fubfift between different claffes of bodies, operate without interfering with the universal law of gravitation; fo the "dear charities" of private life may remain, without violating the fupreme law which unites man to man, and being to being, throughout the univerfe.

on

It is another confideration of no fmall weight in the prefent argument, that the theory which would require all men to act upon the principle of univerfal benevolence alone, fuppofes a degree of comprehenfion, and an extent of knowledge, beyond the ordinary limits of the human faculties. What is for the good of the univerfe, is a vaft problem, only to be folved by that mind, which comprehends the whole fyftem. What is for the good of the human fpecies, is a queftion, towards the folution of which we continually approximate, as we improve in our knowledge of the powers of human nature, and of the various fubftances and beings which lie within the fphere of human action, but which can never be completely anfwered, while our acquaintance with nature remains imperfect. The utmost that we can do is, to collect facts fufficient to establish general rules, the obfervance of which become obligatory from our experience of their utility. If we fuperfede thefe rules, and recur, in every cafe, to the general principle of benevolence, we oppofe individual opinion against common experience, and we require from all men an extent of knowledge and correctnefs of judgment, which are poffeffed by no individual. The wifeft philofopher would be aware of fo many difficulties attending the determination of questions relative to the general good, and would perceive fo much hazard of a bias on his judgment from the felfifh paffions, that he would always hefitate in oppofing the univerfal law of benevolence against more limited maxims of prudence or morality. Of what ufe, then, could this law be to the illiterate peafant, or the bufy mechanic? You might as well expect a common failor See Godwin's Enquiry concerning Poli to find his way at fea by Trigonometrical tical Justice, Book ii. chap. 2.

To

1796.]

State of the Port of London:

9900

J. J. G.

fo

THE limits of this port extend from London-bridge to the North Foreland, in the Ifle of Thanet, and to the point called the Naze, near Harwich, on the coaft of Effex: but the part where fhips that trade to London ufually moor, only from the bridge to Limehoufe. In this fpace it is computed about Soo fail can lie afloat at moorings, at low water: the part near the bridge is occupied by the smaller veffels, on account of its fhallownefs; and the lower part of the pool by the larger: the Eaft Indiamen, and a few other large fhips, lie at Deptford and Blackwall. The width of the river at London bridge is 930 feet, but it is confiderably more at Limehouse, and at Woolwich it is 1650 feet wide. The number of fhips that arrive annually in the port is about coafters, and 3500 reign traders; the former discharge their cargoes chiefly at the fufference wharfs, which are difperfed up and down the river, as low as Blackwall; the latter have alfo been permitted, from neceffity, to land their moft bulky articles, fuch as hemp, pitch, rice, &c. at the fufference wharfs; but the most valuable part of their cargoes is restricted to the legal quays, which are twenty-one in number, all fituated on one fide of the Thames, between London bridge and the Tower, and extending only 488 yards in length. The principal branches of the trade of London, are the coal, the West India, and the Eaft India trades. The annual importation of coals to London is about 800,000 chaldrons, forming about 3,500 cargoes; last year it was 887,759 chaldrons, being nearly double what it was fifty years ago. The import of fugar is from 100, to 120,000 hhds. and has been 131,000. The import of rum in 1792 was 15,707 puncheons; and the Eumber of West Indiamen that arrived in

277

the port in one year, ending the 25th of
March 1794, was 344, making 93,027
The East India trade, though of
tons.
much lefs magnitude than the West India,
particularly with refpect to the number of
hips and tonnage employed in it, has in-
creafed to a very great extent, when com-
pared with its amount in former periods.
In 1655, Cromwell laid the trade open; and
two years after, when the company began
again under a joint stock, their export con-
fifted of 74,2351. in bullion, and only the
value of 21141. in merchandize: the con-
ftant attention of the company to increase
the proportion of the latter, has, however,
railed it confiderably above the former;
in 1790, they exported produce and manu-
factures to the amount of 928,7831. and
in bullion 532,7051. the number of ships
taken up that feafon was twenty-four of
upwards of 23,400 tons, but the number
has fince been augmented confiderably.

Of the general increase of the trade of the port no one can doubt, and of late years we have fufficient evidence to afcertain it; but of its state in former periods there are few accounts that furnifh an accurate idea. In 1759, the customs and fubfidies of the port inwards, were farmed at 20,000l. per annum, which was afterwards difcovered to be not more than two thirds of their actual amount. In 1604, the cuftoms amounted to 110,000l. which, though it may now be confidered a fmall fum, was comparatively great, as the cuf toms of the out-ports were only 17,000l. from whence it would appear that London enjoyed nearly feven-eighths of the trade of all England. But to form any eftimate of the extent of the trade at that period from the produce of the cuftoms, great allowance muft be made for the degrada tion of the value of money, and the many additions that have been made to the duties that were then levied, befides impofing duties on many articles of commerce, which at that time were exempt. The trade of London at the period abovementioned, was confined to about two hundred perfons, and of courfe fubject to all the evils that arise from combinations: this circumftance rendered it impoffible for the merchants of other parts of the country to engage in a fair competition with thofe of London, and enriched a few individuals, while it produced a general decay of the commerce of the country, and other alarming evils, that rendered it neceffary for the legiflature to interfere, in order to check the dangerous monopoly. The confe quence of this interference was the increafe of the trade of the out-ports, as it

appears

278

State of the Port of London.

appears that in 1613, the customs of London were 109,5721. and thofe of the out-ports 38,5021. The natural advantages of London, arifing from fituation and other circumstances, continued to maintain its fuperiority in extent of commerce over the other parts of the kingdom; the increafe of population, which was probably in fome meafure the effect of its expanding commerce, alfo contributed in return to draw more trade to the port, by an increase of demand and confumption; fo much, that in 1700, the value of the imports of London was 4,785,5381. while thofe of all England were only 5,970,1751. the former being more than four-fifths of the latter. The increase of the trade of London, as far as it can be estimated from the imports and exports, will appear from the following statement:

1791
1792

--

5,333,257 8,146,417 10,314,872 12,016,229 12,071,674

£7,362,367

8,347,100

9,389,570

8,260,278

[May

frequently renders goods liable to feizure, from the impoffibility of getting them landed within the time limited by law. The want of fufficient wharf-room for discharg ing cargoes without the intervention of lighters, fubjects the merchant to a heavy expence and additional risk. The acci dents and damages to fhipping, arifing from the prefent itate of the river, are very great; and the annual lofs from plunder and fmuggling has been estimated at from 3 to 400,000l. per annum; on which the lofs of duties to government is from 70 to 100,000l. per annum; the lofs on Weft India produce alone is about 150,000l. per annum to the proprietors, and 50,000l. of revenue. Thefe facts, it is prefumed, strongly fhew the neceflity of fome immediate fteps being taken for the better accommodation of the trade of London; and whatever plan may be adopted, it is to be hoped it will neither be formed on partial views, nor influenced by partial interests; but fuch as "by giving convenience to commerce, safety to shipping, and fecurity to revenue, may preferve and extend to the port of London its natural advantages."

12,944,192 PERMIT an admirer of the plan of

14,742,516, The year 1792, being the last year of peace, is perhaps the most proper to eftimate the prefent ftate of trade from. In that year the grofs produce of the cuftoms of London was about 3,580,000l. which, deducting drawbacks and charges of management, amounting to 1,350,000l. leaves 2,230,000l. nett revenue, being more than half the nett produce of the cuftoms for the whole island, which amounted to 4,039,9241. The number of fhips in foreign trade, that cleared out from the port of London in that year, was 1570, and the total number belonging to the port about 1860 veffels of 374,000 tons. During the prefent war, the imports and exports, fo far from being diminished, have apparently increafed confiderably, but the accommodations of the port remaining nearly the fame as they were centuries ago, inevitably clogs its commerce with detrimental impediments and heavy expences. The crowded state of the river at all times but particularly when fhips arrive in large fleets, caules great delays, and expofes the cargoes to plunder, favours fmuggling, is injurous to many articles of commerce, and

your new Magazine, to fend you a few ftrictures on a work lately published, replete with acuteness of obfervation and poignancy of feeling, and which will not ceafe to be admitted, as long as delicacy of fentiment and the amiable charities of the human heart are held in eftimation. After this preamble, it will hardly be neceffary to fay, that the work I refer to is the Letters of Mrs. Wollftoncraft, during a fhort refidence in Sweden, Norway, and Denmark. I have not the pleasure of being acquainted with this lady; but as I think her one of the diftinguifhed few whose writ ings may contribute towards difpelling the mifts of prejudice and error, I regret the more, that want of fufficient attention, fhould, n fome inftances, have given rife to an inaccuracy of expreffion, which may tend to mislead, rather than inftruct. Of this nature, I apprehend, is the following paffage, page 217: "What, for example, has piety under the Heathen or Chriftian fyftem been, but a blind faith in things contrary to the principles of reafon? And could poor reafon make confiderable advances, when it was reckoned the higheft degree of virtue to do violence to its dictates?" From this statement, the infe

rence

1796.]

Strictures on Mrs. Wollftoncraft's Letters.

rence might be, and to fome minds the inference actually would be, that the piety of Heathenifim, and of Christianity, had been alike inimical to the progrefs of reafon, and degrading to human nature. Now, piety being an affection of the heart, and not a matter of speculative opinion, it may, perhaps, be a question how far it is really hurtful, even where the objects of its awe, fear, and love, producing reverence, humility, gratitude, truft, and confidence, have no real existence. But be this as it may, furely no one will affirm, that where the fupreme object of adoration is the great Author of the Universe, and is confidered as a being of fpotlefs purity, and of infinite goodnefs as well as power (and fuch is the God of the rational Chriftian) thefe affections can have any tendency to debafe the human character; rather, on the contrary, would they lead the humble worthipper to afpire after the imitation of thefe divine perfections, and according to the emphatic language of Scripture, to become holy as God is holy, righteous as he is righteous, and merciful as he is merciful. Piety like this, far from debafing reafon, is her nobleft auxiliary, animates her every generous exertion, is the trueft refiner of the human foul, and the only unfailing fupport of weak and erring creatures, in the dangers, the difficulties, and calamities of life. But to return;---if a flight alteration had been made in the conftruction of the fentence, and if, inftead of piety, Mrs. Wollftoncraft had used the term religion, the would then merely have afferted what no rational Chriftian will deny, namely, that a miferable fuperftition, enforcing many exprefs contradictions to reason, and very debafing to the human mind, has too often in Chriftian as well as Heathen countries, been mistaken for religion; and that, bound in fuch fetters, it was not poffible for reafon to make confiderable progrefs.

A like want of accuracy is to be regretted, in page 219, where our author fays, I have formerly cenfured the French for their extreme attachment to theatrical exhibitions, because I thought that they tended to render them vam and unnatural characters. But I must acknowledge, elpecially as women of the town never appear in the Parisian, as in our theatres, that the little faving of the week is more ufefully expended there every Sunday, than in porter or brandy, to intoxicate or ftupify the mind.' The expreffion more usefully expended, as if there were no other alternative, feems not only an apology for this mode of fpending the Sunday, but even to impofe an approbation of it. But our author

279

affuredly nevermeant to affirm that, in order to avoid the grofs vice of drunkenness, it is neceffary that people fhould plunge into perpetual fcenes of diffipation, and espe cially, into fcenes where the paffions are wont to be unduely and improperly excited, and which, perhaps, as effectually unfit the mind for calm reflection, and the rational exercife of its faculties, as the very vice which the fo juftly condemns*. It ought, moreover, to be taken into the account, that a rage for theatrical exhibitions, gives occafion to the neglect of family duties; checks the growth and cultivation of the focial affections, by purfuing happiness without the pale of domestic enjoyment; caufes the common occurrences of life to appear flat and infipid; and by spending in this manner the favings of the week, not only throws away the means of attaining independence, but by its ge neral operation prevents thofe habits of frugality from being formed, which, in any ftation, are neceffary to its fecurity; and it need not be added, that without independence, we may look in vain for confiftency of conduct, or real dignity of character.

If, inftead of the terms, "more usefully," our auther had faid less burtfully, the fentence would not have been liable to mifconftruction; and trivial as the alteration may feem, the effects produced by it among many who admire, and who juftly admire, Mrs. Wollftoncraft, would not have been trivial. That lady will, I hope, excufe the liberty I have taken in these remarks, and will fee, that if the had not been confidered as a writer of confiderable eminence, and whofe worke are likely to produce effects beyond the amusement of a leifure hour, the motive would have been wanting that has given occafion to them, from her real admirer, April 19, 1796.

CHRISTIANA.

To the Editor of the Monthly Magazine.

SIR,

IT is a fact, that in the garden of Tho

mas Simpson, efq. of Newcastle upon Tyne, at his villa, near Elfwick, the fol lowing number of nectarines and peaches

*No notice is here taken of the infringement of a divine command, to abftain one day in feven from the common occupations and amusements this inftitution of the Jewish difpenfation, is of life, there being fome who do not think that particularly enjoined by the Chriftian, as a dif penfation intended for univerfal acceptation; but, on the contrary, that all that clafs of duties which may be termed inftrumental, the Sabbath among the reft, is left to the difere tion of its difciples.

were

New Method of Improving Fruit Trees.

were produced last feafon, from trees not
more than eight feet fquare, in a state of
full maturity, and of a most delicious
flavour, by a new method which he has
adopted of cultivating this fine and justly
admired fruit :

From one Royal George peach,'
the tree 8 years old,
One do. of do. the tree 8 years
old,

of a full fize, many of them nine inches in To the Editor of the Monthly Magazine. circumference.