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(From International Affairs, February 1966, p. 77) TRICONTINENTAL SOLIDARITY OF THE

PEOPLES

Tashkent and

Havana focused

world attention early in January. Though the meetings in these two cities differed in their nature and aims, they had something in common. The capital of Socialist Cuba was the venue for one of the most representative conferences of the peoples in three continents fighting against imperialist domination.

At Havana, the powerful stream of Afro-Asian solidarity was joined by another one, Latin American, which extended and consolidated the ranks of the peoples fighting for their liberation. In this sense Havana was a continuation of Bandung, Cairo, Conakry, Moshi and Winneba.

The conference met at an exceedingly important time. Today, 5 years after the United Nations adopted the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, the colonialists still oppress many peoples of Africa, the Arab East, and Latin America. What is more, the imperialists are out to launch a counteroffensive against the peoples of Asia, Africa, and Latin America and to suppress the liberation movements by armed force.

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PEACE PROSPECTS

(From the Worker (U.S.A.), March 15, 1966, p. 6) WORLD BALANCE SHIFTS AGAINST IMPERIALISM

FROM NEW DRAFT PROGRAM, CPUSA The new program of the Communist Party, recently published in draft form, discusses in its first section, the crisis of our society. This section has been summarized in the previous issues of the Worker.

The second chapter discusses first, "The Age of Revolution." "We live in a revolutionary age," it declares, that "extends to all continents."

"Today's revolutions challenge the reign of imperialism and monopoly capital everywhere" and "mark mankind's historic transition from capitalism to socialism," it says.

More than a billion persons, the draft program estimates, are "embarked on socialist revolution," while a larger number are in "varying stages of anticolonial revolution.'

"The anticolonial revolutions aim to destroy imperialist domination, feudal bondage and political tyranny. In the struggle for such aims a broad national unity is attainable, including capitalist elements who chafe under the oppressive restrictions of foreign monopoly. The attainment of such aims, progressive and liberating as they are, is not yet socialism. However, there is a close relation between the Socialist and colonial revolutions."

This relation includes:

"Imperialism is the common enemy of both."

2. "The speed and scope of the colonial liberation tide is made possible" by the "revolutionary example" and assistance of the Socialist world.

3. The colonial peoples, "especially the workers and peasants" are "impelled to make the advance from anticolonial revolution to Socialist revolution," thus bypassing "capitalist economic forms, which retard their growth and make them susceptible to imperialist penetration."

"This revolutionary process is distinguished by an enormous variety of forms, joined in varied combinations. Here peaceful, there violent, here relying principally upon political forms of struggle, there being compelled to employ military forms; here advancing swiftly to a Socialist stage of development, there assuming varied economic forms.

(From the Worker (quoting U.S.S.R.) April 5, 1966, p. 4)

BREZHNEV REPORTS ON PEACE
PROSPECTS

Following are excerpts from the speech of Leonid Brezhnev, First Secretary of the Soviet Communist Party, at the XXIII Congress of the party in Moscow. 1

The Soviet Union together with other Socialist countries has pursued a policy of relaxing tension, strengthening peace, of peaceful coexistence of states with different social systems, and creating conditions in international life under which each nation could freely advance along the road of national and social progress.

The imperialists brazenly interfered in the affairs of other countries and peoples, to the point of armed intervention. As a result, world tension has mounted.

In flagrant violation of the Geneva agreements, the United States has piratically attacked the Democratic Republic of Vietnam and is waging a bloody war against the people of South Vietnam. This imperialist power, which poses as a champion of freedom and civilization, is using practically all the existing means of destruction and annihilation against a peace-loving country situated thousands of miles away from America, a country that has never harmed U.S. interests. More than 200,000 U.S. troops, aircraft carriers, huge bombers, poison gases and napalm are being used against the heroic patriots of Vietnam.

By its aggression in Vietnam the United States has covered itself with shame which it will never live down.

The Soviet Union together with the peace-loving peoples of the whole world resolutely demand that the United States stop its aggression against Vietnam and withdraw all interventionist troops from that country.

The U.S.S.R. is prepared to live at peace with all countries, but it will not resign itself to imperialist iniquity against other peoples. We have repeatedly declared that we are prepared to develop our relations with the United States of America, and stand by this position now. But this requires that the United States of America discontinue its policy of aggression.

1 Italics supplied.

"The emphasis on particular forms changes with the advance of the historic revolutionary process, and as the forces of revolution gain ascendancy over the forces of counterrevolution on a global scale the possibilities for peaceful forms are enlarged. In any event, the particular forms assumed by a revolution arise from the conditions in which it occurs; hence the variety of forms because conditions vary from country to country and from time to time. One may learn from many revolutions, but one cannot take any single revolution as a model to copy. Whatever influence may be exerted by the example and experience of others, each revolution arises from the crisis problems, the social conflicts and class relationships in its Own country. There can be no import or export of revolution."

Consideration of U.S. foreign policy, in the program, is introduced with the following words:

"The balance of power in the world is shifting. The new forces of Socialist and anticolonial revolution are on the ascendant. The old forces of capitalism and imperialism are on the decline.' More and more the forces of socialism determine the course of human events. U.S. policy is at odds with this changing reality. Worse yet, it seeks to halt and reverse the surging, inexorable process of social change. In a world of revolution, U.S. policy has become the whip and gun of counterrevolution."

Immediately after World War II, the United States-Soviet cooperation of the war years was replaced by the cold war against the U.S.S.R.

The anti-Soviet cold war "consisted initially of economic, diplomatic and military pressures to impose a strangling noose of 'containment' around the U.S.S.R., and to 'hold back' the tide of socialism. The central thrust was at the Socialist camp, but the ultimate prize was the entire globe. In the process of waging the cold war U.S. corporate-political leaders fashioned the economic and military arrangements designed to facilitate their domination in Western Europe, in the Middle East, in Asia, in every corner of the globe. The cold war was also waged at home with the weapons of repression and reaction to solidify monopoly domination over the American people. Its special product was the phenomenon known as McCarthyism."

The U.S. corporate-political leaders miscalculated, however, the program

The Soviet Union is vitally interested in insuring European security. Today West German imperialism is the United States' chief ally in Europe in aggravating world tension. West Germany is increasingly becoming a seat of the war danger where revengeseeking passions are running high. It already has a large army with officers of the Nazi Wehrmacht as its backbone. Many key posts in the government are held by former Nazis and even war criminals. The policy of the Federal Republic of Germany is being increasingly determined by the same monopolies that brought Hitler to power.

In the course of half a century many European countries have twice been the victims of German aggression. Like us, the peoples of eight Socialist countries know only too well the predatory ways of the German militarists. The burden of German occupation has been experienced by most of the West European peoples. Therefore the struggle against the threat of another war is becoming today the vital concern of the European people.

The balance of forces in Europe today is not at all what it was like on the eve of the Second World War. Nobody will succeed in changing the present frontiers of the European countries.

The aggressors are now opposed by such a mighty, invincible force that if they unleash war it will bring upon them nothing but doom.

We shall never agree or reconcile ourselves to West German militarists obtaining nuclear weapons. If, in spite of everything, this happens, the necessary measures will be taken. The responsibility will devolve wholly on the ruling circles of the Federal Republic of Germany and on those who encourage them.

Nobody has the right to forget that after the defeat of the Nazi aggressors, the participants in the anti-Hitler coalition-the Soviet Union, the United States, Britain, and France-solemnly pledged themselves under the Potsdam agreement to do everything necessary to make sure that Germany never again should threaten her neighbors, and to preserve peace throughout the world. The Soviet Union will honor this commitment.

It is our deep conviction that the conclusion of the international Communist movement that the aggressor can be curbed and another world war averted remains valid. But to make this possibility real the broad masses must participate in this struggle;

1 Italics supplied.

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