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(International Affairs (Moscow), No. 1, January
1966, p. 26)
Headlines from The Worker (U.S.A.), of February 13, 1966: Senator Warns of Vast Asia
Land War End the War in Vietnam Voices for Viet Peace Vets Picket White House Against War
in Vietnam 300 March-Detroit Demonstration With Coffin- Milwau
kee Reporter's Description of Viet Bares
LBJ Lies 157 Clerics Petition LBJ to End War People in Socialist Lands Protest U.S.
Acts in Viet Catholic Paper Scores Draft Voices for Viet Peace Students Picket-Chicago “No” to Draft Board-Ann Arbor,
Michigan Japan Rally Hits U.S. Viet War (Congressman) "Tells Rally He De
plores Bombing." (Congressman's) "Squeaker Means He
Can't Avoid Vietnam Issue"
The dirty war in Vietnam is nothing else but a further U.S. attempt on an increasing scale to strike at the most progressive forces of our age and bolster up the tottering positions of world imperialism and neocolonialism. It is an outright armed attack on a Socialist country, apparently inspired by a desire to take revenge for the failure of U.S. aggression in Korea in 1950-53, and intended deeply to outflank, politically and strategically, the main positions of the Socialist world.
(From the Worker (quoting U.S.S.R.) April 5,
1966, p. 4)
(From the Worker (U.S.A.), March 15, 1966, p. 6) WORLD BALANCE SHIFTS AGAINST
BREZHNEV REPORTS ON PEACE
FROM NEW DRAFT PROGRAM, CPUSA
The new program of the Communist Party, recently published in draft form, discusses in its first section, the crisis of our society. This section has been summarized in the previous issues of the Worker,
The second chapter discusses first, “The Age of Revolution." "We live in a revolutionary age,” it declares, that “extends to all continents."
“Today's revolutions challenge the reign of imperialism and monopoly capital everywhere” and “mark mankind's historic transition from capitalism to socialism,” it says.
More than a billion persons, the draft program estimates, are "embarked on socialist revolution," while a larger number are in “varying stages of anticolonial revolution."
“The anticolonial revolutions aim to destroy imperialist domination, feudal bondage and political tyranny. In the struggle for such aims a broad national unity is attainable, including capitalist elements who chafe under the oppressive restrictions of foreign monopoly. The attainment of such aims, progressive and liberating as they are, is not yet socialism. However, there is a close relation between the Socialist and colonial revolutions."
This relation includes:
"Imperialism is the common enemy of both."
2. “The speed and scope of the colonial liberation tide is made possible” by the "revolutionary example” and assistance of the Socialist world.
3. The colonial peoples, "especially the workers and peasants" are "impelled to make the advance from anticolonial revolution to Socialist revolution,” thus bypassing "capitalist economic forms, which retard their growth and make them susceptible to imperialist penetration.”
“This revolutionary process is distinguished by an enormous variety of forms, joined in varied combinations. Here peaceful, there violent, here rely. ing principally upon political forms of struggle, there being compelled to employ military forms; here advancing swiftly to a Socialist stage of development, there assuming varied economic forms.
Following are excerpts from the speech of Leonid Brezhnev, First Secretary of the Soviet Communist Party, at the XXIII Congress of the party in Moscow."
The Soviet Union together with other Socialist countries has pursued a policy of relaxing tension, strengthening peace, of peaceful coexistence of states with different social systems, and creating conditions in international life under which each nation could freely advance along the road of national and social progress.
The imperialists brazenly interfered in the affairs of other countries and peoples, to the point of armed intervention. As a result, world tension has mounted.
In flagrant violation of the Geneva agreements, the United States has piratically attacked the Democratic Republic of Vietnam and is waging a bloody war against the people of South Vietnam. This imperialist power, which poses as a champion of freedom and civilization, is using practically all the existing means of destruction and annihilation against a peace-loving country situated thousands of miles away from America, a country that has never harmed U.S. interests. More than 200,000 U.S. troops, aircraft carriers, huge bombers, poison gases and napalm are being used against the heroic patriots of Vietnam.
By its aggression in Vietnam the United States has covered itself with shame which it will never live down.
The Soviet Union together with the peace-loving peoples of the whole world resolutely demand that the United States stop its aggression against Vietnam and withdraw all interventionist troops from that country:
The U.S.S. R. is prepared to live at peace with all countries, but it will not resign itself to imperialist iniquity against other peoples. We have repeatedly declared that we are prepared to develop our relations with the United States of America, and stand by this position now. But this requires that the United States of America discontinue its policy of aggression.
1 Italics supplied.
"The emphasis on particular forms changes with the advance of the historic revolutionary process, and as the forces of revolution gain ascendancy over the forces of counterrevolution on a global scale the possibilities for peaceful forms are enlarged. In any event, the particular forms assumed by a revolution arise from the conditions in which it occurs; he the variety of forms because conditions vary from country to country and from time to time. One may learn from many revolutions, but one cannot take any single revolution as a model to copy. Whatever influence may be exerted by the example and experience of others, each revolution arises from the crisis problems, the social conflicts and class relationships in its own country. There can be no import or export of revolution."
Consideration of U.S. foreign policy, in the program, is introduced with the following words:
“The balance of power in the world is shifting. The new forces of Socialist and anticolonial revolution are on the ascendant. The old forces of capitalism and imperialism are on the decline.' More and more the forces of socialism determine the course of human events. U.S. policy is at odds with this changing reality. Worse yet, it seeks to halt and reverse the surging, inexorable process of social change. In a world of revolution, U.S. policy has become the whip and gun of counterrevolution.”
Immediately after World War II, the United States-Soviet cooperation of the war years was replaced by the cold war against the U.S.S.R.
The anti-Soviet cold war "consisted initially of economic, diplomatic and military pressures to impose a strangling noose of 'containment around the U.S.S.R., and to hold back the tide of socialism. The central thrust was at the Socialist camp, but the ultimate prize was the entire globe. In the process of waging the cold war U.S. corporate-political leaders fashioned the economic and military arrangements designed to facilitate their domination in Western Europe, in the Middle East, in Asia, in every corner of the globe. The cold war was also waged at home with the weapons of repression and reaction to solidify monopoly domination over the American people. Its special product was the phenomenon known as McCarthy
The U.S. corporate-political leaders miscalculated, however, the program
The Soviet Union is vitally interested in insuring European security. Today West German imperialism is the United States' chief ally in Europe in aggravating world tension. West Germany is increasingly becoming a seat of the war danger where revengeseeking passions are running high. It already has a large army with officers of the Nazi Wehrmacht as its backbone. Many key posts in the government are held by former Nazis and even war criminals. The policy of the Federal Republic of Germany is being increasingly determined by the same monopolies that brought Hitler to power.
In the course of half a century many European countries have twice been the victims of German aggression. Like us, the peoples of eight Socialist countries know only too well the predatory ways of the German militarists. The burden of German occupation has been experienced by most of the West European peoples. Therefore the struggle against the threat of another war is becoming today the vital concern of the European people.
The balance of forces in Europe today is not at all what it was like on the eve of the Second World War. Nobody will succeed in changing the present frontiers of the European countries.
The aggressors are now opposed by such a mighty, invincible force that if they unleash war it will bring upon them nothing but doom.
We shall never agree or reconcile ourselves to West German militarists obtaining nuclear weapons. If, in spite of everything, this happens, the necessary measures will be taken. The responsibility will devolve wholly on the ruling circles of the Federal Republic of Germany and on those who encourage them.
Nobody has the right to forget that after the defeat of the Nazi aggressors, the participants in the anti-Hitler coalition-the Soviet Union, the United States, Britain, and France-solemnly pledged themselves under the Potsdam agreement to do everything necessary to make sure that Germany never again should threaten her neighbors, and to preserve peace throughout the world. The Soviet Union will honor this commitment.
It is our deep conviction that the conclusion of the international Communist movement that the aggressor can be curbed and another world war averted remains valid. But to make this possibility real the broad masses must participate in this struggle;
declares; they miscalculated about the strength of the Soviet Union and of the Socialist states of Eastern Europe, about the Chinese revolution, the anticolonial revolt, and the “resistance everywhere to their grandiose ambition.
The Chinese revolution triumphed, the northern part of Vietnam took the Socialist path, and the Cuban revolution "established the first Socialist state in the Western Hemisphere."
On the domestic scene, the corporate-political leaders miscalculated also on the "resistance they would encounter among the American people to reaction at home and military aggression abroad.
“All the positions of superior strength from which the cold war was launched have either been seriously weakened or destroyed, but U.S. mo nopoly, driven by its inner compulsions, persists in waging the cold war. It still tries to achieve what it could not achieve when its circumstances were far more advantageous. Thus it aggravates the contradiction between its policy and world realities.
“The policy that arouses fear and batred throughout the world is no delib erate choice of the American people, for nowhere is the erosion of democracy more pronounced than in the fateful sphere of foreign affairs.
“To promote exclusion of popular influence from the formulation of foreign policy two myths have been concocted. The first is that foreign affairs are too deep for the ken of ordinary men. The second is that 'politics stop at the water's edge,' so that the patriotic thing to do is to follow blindly wherever the President and the military-industrial complex may lead.”
In describing the character of U.S. imperialism,” the draft program refers to the analysis of imperialism by V. I. Lenin, "foremost Communist leader and thinker of this century.”
Lenin, the program says, defined imperialism “as the monopoly stage of capitalism, characterized by the dominance of monopoly and control of the economy by a handful of financial empires. It is characterized further by a growth of productive means and an accumulation of capital so great as to compel expansion beyond national frontiers, not only in the traditional quest for markets and sources of raw materials, but even more, for areas of capital investment, powered by a drive for maximum profit. By all these standards, U.S. monopoly is not only imperialist, it is the most powerful imperialism in the world today.
there must be vigorous, mounting action on the part of all the peace forces.
This means that while regarding the coexistence of states with different social systems as a form of the class struggle between socialism and capitalism the Soviet Union consistently advocates normal, peaceful relations with capitalist countries and a settlement of outstanding interstate issues by negotiation and not by war. The Soviet Union firmly stands for noninterference in the internal affairs of other countries, for respect of their sovereign rights and inviolability of their territories.
Imperialist powers, primarily the United States of America, have scattered numerous military bases throughout the world and have stationed contingents of their armed forces on the territories of other countries.
It is high time to end this situation which threatens the peace and security of countries, to dismantle military bases on foreign territories and to withdraw foreign armed forces from these territories.
The Soviet Union is waging a consistent struggle to slow and completely stop the arms race started by the imperialists, to reach agreement on practical steps in this field, steps toward general and complete disarmament.
The admission of many newly free countries to U.N. membership has substantially changed the situation in that organization by no means in favor of the imperialists. In the U.N. the Soviet Union undeviatingly strives to facilitate the unity of countries opposing aggression and thereby enhance the role played by the U.N. in the struggle for universal peace and the independence of peoples.
The Communist Party of the Soviet Union considers that at this stage in the struggle for an improvement of the international situation, the consolidation of peace and the promotion of peaceful cooperation among nations it would be most important to:
Put an end to U.S. aggression in Vietnam, withdraw all U.S. and other foreign troops from South Vietnam and enable the Vietnamese people to decide their own internal affairs: accept the position set forth by the Government of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam and the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam as a basis for the settlement of the Vietnam problem;
Insure strict adherence to the principle of noninterference in the internal affairs of states;
Sign an international treaty on the nonproliferation of nuclear weapons;
“The drive for investment outlets and maximum profits places a special premium upon establishing effective domination over foreign lands, for only thus is the attainment of both aims rendered secure. Classically, such domination
crass colonial forms. In our age it assumes more typically the form of neocolonialism, an exercise in which U.S. imperialism is especially well versed by dint of its experience in Latin America.”
There, through economic penetration, through military intervention or threat, through diplomatic intrigue, espionage, and conspiracy, U.S. monopoly has acquired "effective control" of many countries.
It is “extending that pattern throughout the world,” the program savs.
This it is driven to do by the very nature of its own internal development.
Accumulation of capital, flowing from the profits of World War II and the postwar boom, has been fabulous in the United States, far in excess of investment opportunities at home, especially the sort of opportunities that promise a maximum profit yield. Had it been restricted within the national frontiers, U.S. monopoly would have faced a threat of in vestment strangulation and the possibility of a depression producing powerful social pressures for radical economic changes. As a matter of fact, however, there has been a tremendous growth of U.S. corporate investment abroad."
"The profitability of neocolonialism is indeed enormous. Superexploitation of labor yields fabulous returns on investment. Inequality of trade, based on extraction or purchase of raw materials at low prices and the sale of monopoly-produced finished products at high prices, enlarges the profit yield. Control of sources of rare raw materials, strategic in either the economic or military sense, or in both, is often an added incentive for neocolonial acquisition.
“To establish, retain and expand the neocolonial empire requires a vast military machine, and this, in turn, also pays corporate dividends at home," the program declares.
“One or another specific policy of U.S. imperialism can be checked by resistance and popular pressure.”
However, the "innermost character” of U.S. imperialism is “inherently reactionary, the program continues, and these "reactionary pressures inherent within it will seek some other outlet," either abroad or at home.
completely remove the question of the nuclear armament of the Federal Republic of Germany or of giving it any form of access to nuclear weapons; meet the desire of the peoples for the creation of nuclear-free zones in various parts of the world; have the nuclear powers solemnly pledge to refrain from using nuclear weapons first; sign an agreement on the banning of underground nuclear tests--implementation of these steps aimed against the threat of a nuclear war would open the road for a further advance toward the complete banning and destruction of nuclear weapons; initiate talks on European security; discuss the proposals of socialist and other European countries on a relaxation of military tension and a reduction of armaments in Europe and the development of peaceful, mutually advantageous relations between all European countries; convene an appropriate international conference for this purpose; continue to look for ways of settling one of the cardinal problems of European security; namely, a peaceful settlement of the German problem by recognizing the now existing borders of the European countries, including those of the two German states, in order to completely remove the vestiges of the Second World War in Europe. We have every reason
to declare that the international position of our country is stable. The peace-loving foreign policy of the Communist Party and the Government of the Soviet Union reliably serves the interests of Communist construction and the cause of preserving and strengthening world peace and security. The CPSU will continue to pursue this tested course.