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against resolute condemnation of its Vietnam policy.

It is absolutely clear to any fairminded observer that there is a way out of the impasse: it is recognition of the D.R.V. Government's stand and the program of the South Vietnam National Liberation Front on the question of a settlement in Vietnam, which are in accord with the 1954 Geneva agreements and are in the interests of stable peace in Indochina and southeast Asia. If the United States really wants such a peaceful settlement, it must confirm by deeds its recognition of the Vietnamese people's just demands. This would help to create a favorable atmosphere for the political solution of the Vietnam problem.

And it must be settled in the interests of the people of Vietnam and of universal peace. COMMENTATOR.


(From: Political Affairs (U.S.A.), March 1966, p. 7)

The political, economic, and social problems in the United States have reached a point where more meaningful, radical, and fundamental solutions are becoming urgent.

Our foreign policy of aggression, intrigue, and subversion has become the nuclear time bomb ticking away at the brink. What is needed is an about-face in our foreign policy. Thus our program states:

At this writing U.S. military aggression in Vietnam represents the most clear and present danger to world peace. The supreme challenge of the moment, in the fight for world peace is to halt U.S. aggression, to end U.S. military occupation in South Vietnam, so that the Vietnamese people can decide their own destiny (p. 37).

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(From: Political Affairs (U.S.A.), March 1966, pp. 15 and 21)

The Johnson administration admittedly suffers from a crisis of credibility. Its lies have been so systematic that nobody believes it any more, friend or foe, here or abroad. It conducts certain diplomatic exercises not to accomplish some practical end, but to try to establish its "sincerity." ***

Schlesinger fails to discuss the real issues behind anticommunism; the attempt to obtain military and economic domination over other countries, to impose and protect U.S. investing corporations that obtain extra high profits from other countries. But he does cast light on the influence of the very rich, the people who ultimately dictate the reactionary policy of anticommunism.

Kennedy himself, of course, was a multimillionaire, born into the ultrarich ruling class. While the family money played a part in his getting the presidential nomination and election, it would have been impossible without the support of many other powerful millionaires. We learn, for example, that a key endorsement of Kennedy was by a "group of liberals, organized by John L. Saltonstall, Jr. of Massachusetts." The Saltonstalls are one of the aristocratic families of the Boston financial elite.

More detailed is Schlesinger's disclosure of the role of Wall Street in dominating U.S. administrations, once elected.

(From: International Affairs, No. 2 (U.S.S.R.), February 1966, p. 23)

By Harry Freeman

Granted that it is a minority that opposes Washington's course. How could it be otherwise at this juncture in view of the power of the establishment's propaganda machine, of the readiness of Washington's bureaucrats to stigmatize peace fighters as "Communist dupes" and "traitors," of witch-hunting investigations by the FBI and congressional committees?


(From: Political Affairs (U.S.A.), February 1966, p. 5) A recent editorial in Kommunist ("Proletarian Internationalism and Bourgeois Nationalism," No. 9, 1965) calls attention to the emphasis given by Lenin to this point:


Noting the tremendous role played by the national liberation movement in the world revolutionary process, Lenin especially stressed the importance of the struggle between imperialism and socialism as represented by Soviet Russia in his time. we lose sight of that fact," said Lenin, "we shall not be able correctly to pose a single question of nationalities or colonies, even though it may concern the remotest part of the world. Only from that point of view can political problems be correctly posed and solved by the Communist Parties both in the civilized and the backward countries."

(Complete works, vol. 41, p. 242.)

(From: International Affairs, No. 3 (U.S.S.R.), March 1966, p. 8)

The Soviet Union is making a decisive contribution toward establishing an international system to give all the Socialist countries a reliable safeguard against the encroachments of imperialism. It is impossible to overestimate the international role of the mighty Soviet armed forces in ensuring the defence potential of the Socialist countries.



(From: The Worker (U.S.A.), May 1, 1966, p. 3)


As working people all over the world meet and march this May Day to assess the struggles of the past year and give voice to their demands for the year ahead, the urgent need for peace and the danger of expansion of war is in the minds and on the lips of every


This urgency and this peril were underscored last week with the reckless threat of the Johnson administration to escalate the Vietnam war to China. United States imperialism, made desperate by its failure to defeat the national liberation forces in South Vietnam, is now moving dangerously close to steps that could engulf all humanity in a holocaust.

The American people don't want the dirty war in Vietnam escalated; they want it to be halted immediately; they want U.S. troops withdrawn from Vietnam now.

The American people want their sons and brothers to come home alive and not crippled, not in coffins or on hospital ships. They want a chance to achieve for themselves and their families the better life that the resources and the treasures of their country should afford them. They want the freedom and the equality that are the conditions for the fulfilment of their hopes and aspirations. They want an end to the defilement of American principles and traditions by the Johnson administration.

The people know that none of this can happen unless there is an end to the dirty war in Vietnam, unless peace is guaranteed.

That is why the vast majority of the American people have registered their repudiation of Johnson's Vietnam policy in one national poll after another. That is why they made their views known in marches, demonstrations and petitions.

That is why the clergy, teachers, students, writers, artists are calling for an end to the Vietnam war.

That is why working people are protesting, as is evidenced in the recent resolution of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers, the statements of leaders of the AFL-CIO Butchers Union, the formation of national and local trade union committees for peace. Working people know that their struggles for better wages, better conditions are being paralyzed by the war in Vietnam.

(From: New Times, No. 18, May 1, 1966-printed in the U.S.S.R.)


By James E. Jackson, Publisher (sic.), "The Worker"

This May Day finds the working class of the United States beset by grave problems of a fundamental political character. Effective response to the challenge of these problems will require a rise in the political initiative of the trade unions. But meaningful political action on the part of the workers carries with it the obligation to gather into a taut bond the dissembled threads of labor's unity.

Historically the capitalists have practiced the tactic of fostering pairings and divisionism among the working people as the main guarantor of their privileged position. The American workers have been split along the color line, craft lines have been accented, the employed have been pitted against the unemployed, the skilled against the unskilled, religious differences have been inflamed into enmities, etc., by the capitalists.

Over the years the U.S. working class has made considerable strides toward unity. Indeed, the call of the American workers of the 1880's for worldwide solidarity of workingmen in support of their bitterly opposed strike struggles for the 8-hour day was a factor in the early history of May 1 as an international workingclass holiday.

But today, the task of closing the gap, between where the cause of labor's unity is and where it properly should be, is a matter of urgency.

The key tasks in connection with forging genuine labor unity are: (1) the organization of the unorganized millions of working people, especially of the south; (2) the final erasure of what remains of the color bar and the full integration of Negro workers into all job classifications and in the life of the unions on every level of participation; (3) the repudiation of politicalideological exclusiveness and exeptionalism; especially to put an end to the anti-Communist witch-hunting and Communist-baiting inside of the unions. The struggle to realize such tasks are planks in any platform to democratize and revitalize the tradeunion movement which is a prerequisite for readying labor's ranks for the unfolding struggles of the periodstruggles which must move labor into

That is why the Negro people are demanding a halt to the Vietnam war, as is demonstrated in the call of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference and the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee for the United States to get out of that invaded country. The Negro people are learning daily that their aspirations for economic, political and social equality are being sacrificed on the bloody altar of Johnson's war in Vietnam.

This May Day the American people will raise ever higher their demand for a halt to the dirty war in Vietnam. They will VOW to mobilize their strength to defeat the enemies of peace in the Johnson administration and in Congress.

the arena of independent class political action.

What are these questions which demand labor's political action to assure correct answers? They are three.

First is the political-moral question which the war being waged by the Government of the United States against the peoples of Vietnam poses for the Nation. History will not absolve or make excuses for either the Nation of the United States as a whole, or the working class for the continuation of the war in Vietnam. The U.S. workers are called upon by every consideration of class morality and selfinterest to take action to put an end to the war, to champion the national honor of our country against that section of the monopolists and government circles that is responsible for the war in Vietnam.

Second is the struggle to defend and extend labor's economic gains against the monopolists and to defeat and repeal the antilabor laws which the representatives of big business constantly foster in the legislative bodies. Already, the war in Vietnam has resulted in demands for new sacrifices from the workers. They are being pressured to forgo the exercise of their right to strike and are warned by the Johnson administration to restrict their wage demands in the face of mounting speedup and increases in the prices of consumer goods. The massive war profits have given the monopolists added incentive to step up the process of extensive introduction of automation of industry and many service occupations. The automation process is eliminating men and women's jobs from the labor force at the rate of 2 million a year. These new jobless from automation are added to the scrapheap of wasted lives and human resources already represented in the figure of 55 million who dwell in poverty or severe deprivation.

The Government's war on poverty remains a mocking slogan and nothing more when all of the Nation's resources and budgetary allotments from the Public Treasury of tax moneys are being stipulated for the prosecution of the bloody aggressive war being waged against the people of Vietnam. There can be no effective program against poverty in the United States so long as the war in Vietnam is not ended.

Third, there is the need for the U.S. working class to wage an independent struggle along with its allies-to impose its will upon the policies of Government through direct political action at the polls voting for peace

candidates, in the streets demanding an end to the Vietnam war, on the picket lines demanding wage increases from the new profit taking.

These are the problems facing the U.S. labor movements on this May Day.

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