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In April of 1964, she traveled to Red China, North Korea and North Vietnam.
9. ROBERTO TODD
Recently arrived in Havana as a replacement for Jose Rafael Varona Duarte.
On May 28, 1967, in his first statement after his arrival, Todd repeated the pledges against the draft and added that Puerto Rico “has become an enormous Yankee military base."
10. LOIDA FIGUEROA
History professor at Mayaguez College. Early in July 1966, she was in Prague after obtaining sabbatical leave. Dr. Figueroa requested permission to teach the history of Puerto Rico during the summer on the pretext that she had financial difficulties.
11. FILIBERTIO OJEDA
MPI representative in Havana during cermonies of solidarity with North Korea.
12. DR. MANUEL MALDONADO DENIS
Professor at the University of Puerto Rico, spiritual instigator of the May 4, 1967 incidents, recently arrived in Havana to lecture on Jose Marti and Pedro Albizu Campos.
13. LAURA MENESES DE ALBIZU CAMPOS
Peruvian-born widow of Independence leader, Pedro Albizu Campos. Now a Cuban citizen and member of the Cuban Mission to the United Nations. She was instrumental in bringing about a resolution at the Non-Aligned Nations Conference in Cairo calling for Puerto Rican independence. She has extensive contacts among the new African nations which comprise the bulk of votes on anti-colonialism resolutions adopted by the United Nations.
14. JUAN JUARBE Y JUARBE
Another Puerto Rican in the Cuban delegation to the United Nations.
15. PEDRO ALBIZU MENESES
Son of Laura Meneses and Pedro Albizu Campos; now a Cuban citizen, exploited because of his name.
16. JUAN MARI BRAS
Secretary General of MPI, travelled to Latin America for the purpose of mobilizing Communist leaders to support the case of Puerto Rico in the U.N. (att. 36 through 39).
On February 16, 1968, Juan Mari Bras, accompanied by Carlos Padilla Perez, Editor of "Claridad” the MPI mouthpiece, left for Chile where they were to contact personalities in the government.
No sooner had they landed in Lima, Peru, than the Peruvian authorities expelled them and forced them to take the first flight back to Miami. Mari and Padilla took a different flight to Santiago, Chile, and continued their mission.
Representatives from Puerto Rico are sure to play an important part in the forthcoming Conference of the Latin American Solidarity Organization which will take place on July 28, 1967 in Havana.
(From Granma, Dec. 25, 1966)
SOLIDARITY With Viet Nam: OSPAALA URGES ACTIONS AGAINST YANKEE
EMBASSIES AND BUSINESS INSTALLATIONS A cable sent by the Executive Secretariat of the Organization of Solidarity of the Peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America to its member organizations, through its Executive Secretariat, states as follows; “The peoples of the world have received with indignation the news of the criminal Yankee bombing of Hanoi, capital of an independent and sovereign nation. It is necessary to carry out efficient actions of support for the Vietnamese people. We ask member organizations to conduct demonstrations against U.S. embassies and Yankee-owned interests; to hold public meetings condemning and demanding an immediate end to the criminal bombing of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam; the end of aggression against the people of South Viet Nam; and the effecting of concrete activities demonstrating support and an increase in the revolutionary struggle against imperalism."
THE EXECUTIVE SECRETARIAT OF OSPAALA.
(From Granma, Nov. 20, 1966) OSPAALA AGREES TO SET UP TRAINING SCHOOLS FOR POLITICAL CADRES OF
Carrying out the objectives outlined by the first Tricontinental Conference to unite, coordinate, and intensify the revolutionary movement of the peoples of Africa, Asia, and Latin America against U.S.-led imperialism, colonialism, and neo-colonialism, and with the resolute purpose of giving effective support to the national liberation movement of the three continents, the Executive Secretariat of the Organization of Solidarity of the Peoples of Africa, Asia, and Latin America has agreed to proceed immediately to the creation of schools for the formation of political cadres for revolutionary movements.
The decision implements the resolution, approved at the Tricontinental Conference, for the creation of such schools. This is considered one of the most important tasks before the Executive Secretariat and one of the most effective contributions to the development of the revolutionary movement in Africa, Asia, and Latin America.
Following the agreement by the Executive Secretariat for the creation of at least one tricontinental school for each continent, a call has gone out to the governments of the independent countries represented in the Executive Secretariat for the allocation of resources for the creation, in their respective countries, of the schools. The call has already received a positive response from the Democratic Peoples' Republic of Korea and the Republic of Cuba.
The creation of the schools for the formation of political cadres for Africa, Asia, and Latin America constitutes effective action by the peoples in rebellion against the imperialists, under the leadership of Yankee imperialism, and their existence will be a symbol of the friendship and the spirit of international solidarity of the revolutionary forces. “This great humanity has said: 'Enough!' and has begun to move."
MESSAGE FROM ERNESTO "CHE" GUEVARA
Havana Prensa Latina in Spanish 0021 GMT April 17, 1967–E (Text of Ernesto Che Guevara's article to the Executive Secretariat of the AfroAsian-Latin American Peoples Solidarity Organization)
Havana, April 16—Following is the text of the article which was sent by Maj. Ernesto Che Guevara to the Executive Secretariat of the Afro-Asian-Latin American Peoples Solidarity Organization (AALAPSO) and which will appear in the first issue of the magazine “Tricontinental” in June.
The battle cry is to create two, three (Prensa Latina ellipsis) many Vietnams. This is the hour of the kilns, and only the light is to be seen. Jose Marti.
Twenty-one years have passed since the end of the last world war, and many publications in an infinite number of languages are hailing the event which was symbolized by Japan's defeat. There exists an atmosphere of apparent optimism in many sectors of the various camps into which the world is divided.
Twenty-one years without a world war in these days of harsh confrontations, of violent clashes, and sudden changes, looks like a large number. However, without analyzing the practical results of this peace, for which we are all prepared to fight (poverty, degradation, and growing exploitation over vast areas of the world-Prensa Latina), the question arises as to whether it is real.
It is not-repeat—not the intention of these notes to relate the various local conflicts which have succeeded one another since Japan's surrender. Nor is it our task to enumerate the growing number of civil wars which have erupted during these years of so-called peace. It will suffice to cite the Korean and Vietnam wars against such excessive optimism.
During the Korean war, after years of fierce struggle, the northern part of the country was engulfed in the worst devastation in the annals of modern warfare; it was riddled with bombs, and was left without factories, schools, or hospitals and without any kind of housing to shelter a population of 10 million.
Scores of countries led militarily by the United States took part in that war under the false flag of the United Nations, with the massive participation of U.S. soldiers and the use of an inducted South Korean population as cannon fodder. On the other side, the Korean Army and people and the volunteers from the Chinese People's Republic received supplies and advice from the Soviet military apparatus. The North American side employed all kinds of destructive weapons, excluding thermonuclear weapons, but including bacteriological and chemical arms on a limited scale.
In Vietnam there has been an almost uninterrupted chain of military action, supported by the patriotic forces of that country, against three imperialist powers: Japan, whose power dropped vertically after the bombs of Hiroshima and Nagasaki; France, which recovered its Indochinese colonies from that vanquished nation and forgot the promises made during a difficult hour; and the United States in this latest phase of the struggle.
There have been limited confrontations on all continents, although for a long time, there only occurred sporadic liberation struggles and military coups on the American Continent until the Cuba revolution sounded the bugle of alert on the importance of this region and drew the anger of imperialism thus forcing the revolution to defend its shores at Palva Giron first, and later during the October crisis. The latter incident could have led to a war of incalculable proportions during the clash between the North Americans and the Soviets over Cuba. However, at present the differences are centered around the Indochinese Peninsula and the adjacent countries. Laos and Vietnam are shaken by civil wars which cease to be such with the appearance of U.S. imperialism and all its might, and the entire area has become a dangerous fuse ready to detonate.