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recent history of Latin America is the life of its liberators. Always present, as a reminder of our duty to unite ourselves in struggle, is the persistent violation by imperialism of our sovereignty. Although imperialism is unable, in the end, to thwart our decision to fight for our rights, for the inevitable rich future that is ours, it will never give up the struggle_except in defeat—to impose upon us its program of supremacy and death. But it is necessary for the Latin American peoples' representatives to come together, not simply for a formal conclave where we verbally express our collective disagreement with the status quo, but this time to oppose the enemy's global strategy with the daring strategy of the peoples.
There are struggles today in many parts of our America, and much valuable experience for mutual interchange arises from these struggles. It is our duty to carry out the resolutions of the Tricontinental Conference, which proclaimed the peoples' right to oppose the violence of imperialism and reaction with revolutionary violence. It is necessary to unite, to coordinate and stimulate the battle of all the exploited peoples of Latin America.
Today, in Venezuela, Guatemala and Colombia, the peoples have taken up arms, and in other countries we see the awakening of great forces ready to win their liberty. The call to the hour of struggle against imperialism resounds throughout the world. The example of Cuba, a short distance from the monster, sustains the banners of dignity, inspiring all anti-imperialist men and women of this continent. The glorious people of Viet Nam, who are battling the Yankee imperialists, deserve our active, militant and material support. Solidarity with all the struggling, peoples, brotherhood among all revolutionaries, a stimulus to that which unites and binds us, must be developed to defeat imperialism and its lackeys.
As the Second Declaration of Havana states, "each year that the Latin American revolution is hastened will mean the lives of millions of children saved, millions of minds will be saved for culture; the people will be saved from infinite suffering.” It is therefore urgent to speed up this process. The Second Declaration of Havana, source of revolutionary teachings, speaks also of the importance of the present for us, the Latin Americans, stating: “The epic of Latin America's independence struggles was great, and that fight was an heroic one. But today's generation of Latin Americans is summoned to write a greater epic, one even more decisive for humanity.”
To better fulfill this historic destiny, which falls to the present generation, the Latin American Organization of Solidarity (OLAS) resolves to call for the holding of the First Conference of Solidarity of the Peoples of Latin America to begin next July 28, under the slogan: "The Duty of all Revolutionaries is to Make Revolution.'
This great assembly of our peoples will be the best response to the maneuvers of the enemy. This assembly will permit us to know each other better. This meeting will unite efforts and channel energies onto the path of revolutionary unity of all the peoples of Latin America.
We expect great battles in 1967. Yankee imperialism, savage enemy of all mankind, is growing fat on Latin America. Military dictatorships and reformist governments join to impoverish and massacre the people. In the face of all this, our anti-imperialist unity is a duty and an urgent need.
We call on all the national committees of OLAS, and on the Latin American revolutionary movement in general, to offer their broad and vigorous support to the First Conference of Solidarity of the Peoples of Latin America, to meet in Havana, Cuba, Free Territory of America, from July 28 to August 5. “The duty of all revolutionaries is to make revolution.”
THE ORGANIZING COMMITTEE OF OLAS. FEBRUARY 15, 1967.
The following was chosen as slogan of the Congress:
“The duty of every revolutionary is to make revolution.” The Latin American Solidarity Organization (LASO) (abbreviated OLAS in Spanish) was founded in Havana on January 16, 1966, by the “anti-imperialist” delegates of the 27 Latin American countries attending the first Tricontinental Conference.
It was practically at the same moment that the Afro-Asian-Latin American Peoples Solidarity Organization (AALAPSO) was also founded, voted into existence by the same delegates together with those from Africa and Asia.
The two organizations were born with interlocking membership on the national committee level because the only delegates from Latin America were those attending the Tricontinental Conference. This is most notable in the Cuban National Committee of LASO which is composed of the same individuals or of individuals who replaced them in their national offices) who formed the Cuban delegation at the Tricontinental Conference.
These facts substantially contradict the claim which Cuban propaganda media forcefully maintain, that the two organizations are completely different and autonomous with no functional or organizational subordination between them.
This can be true in the narrowest technical sense. It would be naive even to assume that the ideological and tactical objectives of the two organizations could be different and separate, especially when both are under the direct control of the Cuban Politburo.
Actually there is a remarkable parallel between the heads of the two organizations. Both Osmani Cienfuegos Gorriarán, executive secretary of AALAPSO, and Haydee Santamaria Cuadrado de Hart, secretary general of LASO, are members of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Cuba and were part of the Cuban delegation to the Tricontinental Conference.
Osmani Cienfuegos' brother, Camilo (by some reports a Castro victim) and Haydee Santamaria's brother, Abel, a young Marxist killed by Batista police after the abortive attack on the Moncada barracks July 26, 1953, are considered to be two of Cuba's greatest heroes.
Although Osmani Cienfuegos' official position in the Cuban Government is that of Minister of Public Works, he has had extensive contacts with African and Asian leftists, such as the late Moroccan Communist, Ben Barka, Egypt's Nasser, and Algeria's Ben Bella.
On the other hand, Haydee Santamaria, as director of the Casa de las Americas, has been responsible, together with her husband Armando Hart Davalos (until a year ago Minister of Education), for granting scholarships at Havana University to Latin Americans. She has also traveled widely as a member of the Cuban UNESCO delegation and had accompanied her husband on missions to the U.S.S.R., Eastern Europe, and China.
On April 16, 1967, Haydee Santamaria was at Osmani Cienfuegos side when the latter made public an article allegedly written by Ernesto "Che" Guevara for the forthcoming first issue of AALAPSO's monthly publication "Tricontinental” scheduled to begin publication next July. The text of this document appears in appendix II, page 67. (Close scrutiny of the article reveals glaring chronological inconsistencies which cast grave doubts as to its authenticity. Also, the photographs accompanying the document do not permit close comparison with previous known Guevara photographs to afford a positive identification of the disappeared guerrilla leader.)
The press conference took place at the AALAPSO headquarters located on the fourth floor of the Habana Hilton now the Habana Libre Hotel.
The main difference between LASO and AALAPSO is that dictated by geographical necessity; the former directs the subversive efforts of Cuba in Latin America exclusively, while the latter coordinates similar efforts on all three continents. For this reason, the relations between the two organizations, according to the Communist propaganda, "will have to be, essentially, of support and fraternal cooperation."
As a token gesture of tricontinental cooperation, a few of the positions in the executive secretariat of AALAPSO are held by Latin Americans. Actually most of them are skilled organizers, long at the service of international communism, and for this reason more valuable for their experience than their nationality.
One of these is Nacciso Rabell Martinez, called by Castro "chief of the Puerto Rican mission to Cuba," who has spent long years in various offices of the Prague-based International Union of Students. Rabell Martinez is a frequent visitor to African countries and, at present, is again on a tour of several African countries as head of a three-man AALAPSO delegation.
Rabell, a member of the AALAPSO executive secretariat, left Havana on February 18, 1967, accompanied by Domingo Amuschastegui of Cuba and Hussein Ras Masud of Pakistan. The announced objective of their tour was to "give more impetus and to intensify the revolutionary struggle on that continent.
The Latin American Solidarity Organization's main objectives were outlined in a communique issued by the organizing committee on the fifth anniversay of the "II Declaration of Havana." (The Second Declaration of Havana is a manifesto of defiance against the United States and the other Latin American Republics, launched by Fidel Castro on February 4, 1962, shortly after Čuba was expelled from the Organization of American States.)
The communique, based on Castro's speech, calls for the "hungry Indians, the landless peasants, the exploited workers and students, the brilliant and honest intellectuals who abound in our suffering countries of Latin America, to rise to the call for the struggle of libera-. tion against the world's most powerful imperialist parent-state.”.
"The peoples of our continent will strengthen their ties of militant and belligerent solidarity and will adopt a common strategy against a common enemy: North American imperialism.”
“For the liberation and progress of our Nations!”.
The General Secretariat of LAŠO undertook in January 1967, a clever propaganda ploy in the guise of a gigantic task of conducting a political, economic, and sociological survey of the American continent.
This circulation of "loaded" questions for the ostensible purpose of gathering highly specialized intelligence data kept busy a task force of nearly 1,000 specialists for over 4 months. The data was compiled in a voluminous report which was submitted for final approval on May 4, 1967.
Due to the importance of the survey, more detailed information will be found in the questionnaire chapter beginning at page 21.
THE LASO ORGANIZING COMMITTEE
The LASO Organizing Committee came into being on the same day the organization was founded. It was assigned the basic task of orienting the process of organization in cooperation with the national committees of the member nations.
The committee, due to the extensive areas of research and review assigned to it by the parent organization, is composed by several study groups. Each group is assigned a specific task and, as its work is completed, is dissolved. New groups are created to study a different item each time the need arises. Its only permanent offices are those of the general secretariat and the editorial staff of the LASO bulletin.
Among the major tasks undertaken by the committee was that of examining and reviewing the constitution of the national committees. This was made necessary by the fact that the initial selection of those committees had been made by the organizers of the first Tricontinental Conference.
Although the criteria for selection of the national committees were the same as those used by the Tricontinental Conference, the Organizing Committee of LASO sought to avoid unpleasant surprises by weeding out any organization or individual whose unswerving allegiance to the Marxist tenets dictated by Havana was questionable.
Because of the emphasis on a united stand against "imperialism, the Organizing Committee has banned some groups or movements which had been admitted to the Tricontinental Conference. These groups were ostracized because of their reluctance to follow the party line or to give their support to Fidel Castro.
The Organizing Committee, in setting forth the criteria and prerequisites necessary for the constitution of the Hemispheric National Committees, dictated that the selection of a political organization or movement must be made on the basis of the following requirements:
(a) be anti-imperialist,
(e) accept the bases established for the constitution of LASO. It is more than evident, from the prerequisites demanded for admission to and membership in the Conference, that Havana is actually ordering the delegates to surrender their identity beforehand and function only as a cheering background for the assembly.
Once the submissive delegations have been selected and approved, nothing will stand in the way of the Cubans to steamroll their resolutions, replete with high-sounding condemnations of the “imperialist monster,” aimed at gaining stature as a major power in the struggle against "Yankee imperialism."
When the representatives of hemispheric communism subservient to Havana dictated that only through meeting these basic requirements could Latin American leftists be admitted to the LASO Con