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It is our duty to fight this degraded art because it is this, and no authentic art or literature, that separates our people from the deepest sources of their existence and makes them vulnerable to that cultural penetration that precedes the measures that will attempt to put an end to their freedom and sovereignty.

Now, more than ever, is the moment to affirm how convinced we are that the most absolute and irrestricted creative freedom is an essential attribute of the revolution to which we aspire, and, for that reason, we will never reject any technique, method or form of approaching and expressing the different areas of reality. We believe that the most difficult and the most extreme quality of intellectual and artistic endeavor are always revolutionary because they constitute the nourishment of our future and give the cause of man its rigorous beauty. All genuine art serves this cause and must be stimulated and defended, often independently of the intentions of its author. But at the same time we postulate the equally imperious need for our intellectuals to assume their social responsibilities and participate, with their work or with whatever activity circumstances demand, in the fight for the liberation of the peoples of Latin America.

This is a struggle that our writers can fight on many fronts, and one of these is the indispensable exchange among the diverse cultures of Latin America or of other regions of the world and, as an immediate step, through direct contact by means of translations, meetings and other forms of cultural reciprocity and liaison. But this dialogue which, as such presupposes the recognition and expression of different and even contradictory conceptions can only develop under very precise conditions, particularly when the forces are very unequal. No dialogue is possible with those who try to use our writers in favor of unacceptable interests, neutralizing our freedom and our full solidarity with the struggle of the peoples of our Continent. Only within a situation of true equality and respect can this cultural exchange take place.

For these reasons, we consider that the unity of all Latin American writers of the left is necessary today more than ever before. Now when the danger of armed intervention of the kind carried out in Santo Domingo hangs over our heads, when Viet Nam is being savagely hombed every day, it has become more urgent to coordinate our struggle against the common enemy of our America. The situation demands an exchange of experiences among Latin American writers in a great assembly. We also believe that writers from Africa and Asia should meet with us as well because, above the differences of language and culture, we all face today a very similar predicament. For this reason, we make this call to all intellectuals in underdeveloped countries to participate in a debate concerning our mutual problems of this hour, which is the hour of our America, and of the entire Third World.

HAVANA, January 8th, 1967. EMMANUEL CARBALLO (Mexico), Julio CortazAR (Argentina), ROQUE DALTON


JORGE ZALAMEA (Colombia), his signature does not yet appear in this document as he is en route to Cuba.

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(From the Miami Herald, Apr. 20, 1967)


(By Don Bohning, Herald Latin America editor) A young French Communist, headquartered in Cuba and captured in Bolivia, has been getting top billing from Havana in recent months as a leading revolutionary theoretician.

Jules Regis Debray, a 26-year-old, Paris-born revolutionary activist, was captured by Bolivian government forces in an encounter with guerrillas April 20.

Debray's role with the guerrillas remains hazy although he ostensibly was there as a journalist.

Less uncertain are his activities in Havana and his close association with Cuban Premier Fidel Castro.

Castro, apparently, was smitten by Debray's theories on revolution in much the same fashion he was attracted by the unorthodox agricultural theories of another Frenchman, Andres Voisin.

Voisin died in Cuba of a heart attack two years ago but his untested agricultural concepts are still being applied.

Debray first visited Cuba in 1961 to study the Castro regime's literacy campaign.

He returned to make Havana his permanent residence in December, 1965, a month before the Tri-Continental Conference of Asian, African and Latin American Revolutionaries was held in the Cuban capital.

Debray was given a professorship at the University of Havana, apparently as a revolutionary theoretician.

He published, in 1965, two works on Cuba and Latin America-one in Spanish and one in French—but it was his book “Revolution Within the Revolution?" appearing in January of this year which attracted the most attention.

The book was first published in Havana by the Casa de las Americas, the Cuban cultural and intellectual center, and has since been published in France.

Castro is reported to have read proofs for the Spanish edition.

The book was widely circulated by the Cubans and in early February was reprinted in Mexico by Politica, a leftist periodical. Extensive summaries in Creole directed at Haiti have been broadcast by Cuban radio.

Central theme of the book is that repeated by Castro so frequently of latethe duty of all revolutionaries is to make revolution. And the only way to do it is by armed struggle, i.e., guerrilla warfare.

It reflects again the divergence of opinion between Havana and Moscow on how the revolution should be carried out.

“Today, in Latin America,” Debray writes, “any political line which cannot be expressed in terms of results, in terms of a clear and precise military line, cannot be considered as revolutionary.

"If one wants to conquer,” says Debray, “it is necessary to accept as a principle the fact that life is not the most important thing to the revolutionary.

A basic Debray concept is that guerrilla warfare should never be subordinated to the urban revolutionary political leadership. A single military and political command must be maintained, says Debray, and it should rest with the guerrillas.

He speaks with contempt of the urban based revolutionary political parties who attempt to maintain control over, but instead obstruct, the rural guerrilla movement.

Debray, by his writings, would appear to be a revolutionary first and a Communist incidentally.

He quotes Castro as asking "Who will bring about the revolution in Latin America? Who?'' and answering, “The people, the revolutionaries, with or without the party."

Debray draws heavily upon the Cuban experience in supporting his thesis that the revolution begins with guerrilla warfare.

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Roberto Fernandez Retamar, Cuban poet and director of the Casa de las Americas, notes in an introduction to Debray's book that the author "talked with many persons directly involved in our revolutionary exploits among them the conceiver and leader of the struggle, Fidel Castro with whom he spent much time.'

Debray, says Fernandez, “had access to numerous unpublished documents” from Castro's anti-Batista guerrilla campaign. “No other person who has written about the Cuban Revolution has had such a wealth of facts and figures for historic investigation."

Fernandez also notes that Debray “toured various Latin American countries' and was "in close contact with revolutionaries, sharing on occasion guerrilla life.”

He was sharing it again when captured in Bolivia.


Havana in Spanish to the Americas 1340 GMT 12 July 1967—E (Feature: “Our America”)

Another OAS commission, or special committee, as the Yankees call it, has just been formed in Washington. This committee, which is sponsored by the U.S. ministry of colonies, in other words, the OAS, will have among its functions that of reporting on the activities on the Latin American Solidarity Organization (LASO). According to international news agency reports, this machine of continental reaction will investigate what the OAS and the U.S. Government describe as LASO's subversive activities in the hemisphere since October of last year.

So what is this new OAS committee going to investigate concerning LASO? Have the sponsors of this revolutionary organization concealed anything about why it was created? LASO speaks a firm language, without equivocations of any kind, a revolutionary language with a single intention: to make revolution. The OAS has no need to investigate the activities and objectives of LASO. They are well known. That the peoples should subvert the order established by imperialism is a historic necessity for our continent. This conviction is one of the premises of LASO.

Therefore, the LASO conference proclaims that the duty of all revolutionaries is to make revolution. Under this fervent slogan it will debate in Havana from 28 July to 5 August the most urgent problems of the hemisphere, but mainly the drawing up of a global combat strategy against Yankee imperialism on this continent.



(NOTE.—The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee attaches no significance to the mere fact of the appearance of the name of an individual or organization in this index.)


Page Albizu Meneses, Pedro...

63 Albizu Campos, Pedro.

63 Abreu, Alberto..

25 Alicea, Belen Aurelio..

58 Alvarez Mesta, Juan..

58 Alvarez, Rodiguez Ruben..

58 Amuschastegui, Domingo. Archilla Martinez, Pablo.

58 Astray, Francisco..


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D'Estefano, Miguel D.
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