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Since its inception in September 1919, the Communist Party, U.S.A., has been a pawn of Soviet subversion operating within the United States, and an essential cog in the cold war which the Soviet Communist Party is conducting against the United States. This has been demonstrated repeatedly and beyond controversion. But after each previous demonstration of this fact, new proof bas continued to pile up. The purpose of this staff study is to bring up to date the studies previously conducted in this field.

It seems fantastic that prominent figures in American life have found it possible to ignore the facts about the CPUSA. But it is done, and in certain circles it might be the fashionable thing to do. There seem to be many, still, who are willing to go along with such views as the published statement of a leading American writer that:

We have no need to be thrown off balance by such things as Khrushchev's statement that he would bury us. * * * This, as I see it, was simply a predic. tion: that his political system would live to assist at the funeral of ours, not vice

This is a prediction basic to the Marxist outlook. * * * 2 Now, what are the facts? The Communist Party, U.S.A. was founded in September 1919. The late Benjamin Gitlow, one of its original founders, in his autobiographical work described conditions within the CPUSA as follows:

Russians now rule from Moscow. Their decisions and orders must be obeyed. The American Communist Party is only a tool in their hands, its leaders their puppets, who must dance to every tune they play.3

Testifying before the House Committee on Un-American Activities on October 11, 1939, the late Walter G. Krivitsky, former chief of Soviet military intelligence, held that “The Communist parties are nothing more than branch offices of the Russian Communist Party." 4

William Z. Foster, long-time chairman of the CPUSA, now dead, corroborated the above, declaring:

The Communist Party of the United States *** is the American section of the Communist International. * * * The Communist International is a disciplined world party. * * * Its leading party, by virtue of its revolutionary experience, is the Russian Communist Party.5

For the guidance of its followers the Daily Worker, official organ of the CPUSĂ, quoted in its March 5, 1939 issue, the following cable from the Moscow Pravda, official organ of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union:

The Communist Party of the Soviet Union always was and always will be a model, an example for the Communist parties of all countries. 1 Notably, "The Communist Party of the United States as an Agent of a Foreign Power,” published by the House Committee on Un-American Activities in 1947.

? George F. Kennan's pamphlet “On Dealing with the Communist World," p. 16. (Harper Colophon Books, 1964.) 3 "I Confess" by Benjamin Gitlow (Dutton, New York, 1940), pp. 57 and 58. 4 Special Committee on Un-American Activities, H.R., vol. 9, p. 5722. s "Toward Soviet America" by William Z. Foster (Coward-McCann, 1932), pp. 258, 259.

Members of the CPUSA were directed to study and distribute the History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union." This directive from the National Committee of the CPUSA, ordered:

It will be the task and duty of the membership and organizations of the Communist Party in the coming months to organize and carry through the distribution of the minimum of 100,000 copies of this book.

Rigid control of the CPUSA by Moscow has been insured in the past by the virtually constant clandestine presence in the United States of a representative (rep), whose functions Benjamin Gitlow described as follows:

A representative of the Communist International to the United States during his stay in the United States was the boss of the party. * * * He automatically became a member of all the leading committees of the party in the United States and participated in its deliberations and enjoyed a vote on matters that were voted upon.

*** All he had to do was to impose his power and mandate as a C.I. representative, and then his view would prevail.?

Although the Communist International has been dissolved", there is ample reason to believe that the international Communist apparatus in Moscow, and its practice of sending representatives to control Communist parties in non-Soviet countries have been retained in a modified form.

Previous hearings have established that Moscow has in the past distributed vast sums, along with its directives, through various secret channels to support subversive activities in countries outside Russia, including the United States, and there is every reason to believe that the practice continues.

6 Communist (magazine), January 1939, p. 3.
7 Special Committee on Un-American Activitie

II.R vol. 7, p. 4590.



With these practices as background, let us examine more recent relations of the CPUSA with Moscow, by following the activities of its leaders.

We shall lean heavily for corroboration upon the Worker, the official organ of the CPUŠA. We shall also quote from the publication Political Affairs, which calls itself the "Theoretical Journal of the Communist Party, U.S.A."

James E. Jackson, Jr., as editor of the Worker, has outlined its relationship with the Party as follows:

The relationship between the Worker and the Communist Party is no deep, dark mystery or secret affair. It is a proud relationship and openly entered into. The Worker reflects in its editorial policy the viewpoint of the Communist Party on the urgent and fundamental issues of the day and on fundamental Socialist aims. * * *

On its part, the Communist Party of the United States urges its members to read, subscribe to, and distribute the Worker; to participate actively in all of the Worker subscription drives and fundraising campaigns; and to make financial contributions for its sustenance.

And there is no question that these activities on the part of the members of the Communist Party provide the Worker with substantial support.8

Let us examine first certain incidents in the career of Elizabeth Gurley Flynn (recently deceased), former chairman of the CPUSA.

Speaking in Moscow in October 1961, at the 22d Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Miss Flynn expressed "shock” at the attacks on the "international solidarity of the Communist movement" by the Albanian Party of Labor, which was then, as it is now, supporting the Chinese Communist leaders. She deplored the Albanian attacks on the Soviet Union and its Communist Party."

Together with James E. Jackson, Jr., former editor of the Worker, and Henry Winston, vice chairman of the national committee of the CPUSA, Miss Flynn was permitted to use the facilities of the Soviet TV.10 Since the Communist Party of the Soviet Union regards television as a particularly important propaganda weapon, we may assume the Soviet Communist authorities had no fear that Miss Flynn and the other CPUSA leaders with her would voice publicly any opinions unacceptable to the CPSU.

Miss Flynn always was quick to toe the line of CPSU discipline, even when the current CPSU line involved attacks on veteran Communists of long standing. Her newspaper column reveals this clearly. There is no doubt that the attack on Stalinism of the 20th Congress of the CPSU had a profound effect on the Communist Party of the United States, as the following passage from the Worker shows:

The security archives were opened up since the arrest of Beria and a terrible story unfolded of the evil consequences of the cult of the individual. The report of the central committee further revealed that a group of leaders whom they * The Worker, Feb. 11, 1962, p. 3. The Worker, Oct. 29, 1961, p. 10. 10 The Worker, Nov. 12, 1961, p. 7.

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